Lucia Mendez became famous in Lebanon after showing one of her old TV series. But even as she did lead a more private life, she was still under the public's eye, because of her business career. Lucia also has marketed a variety of beauty products, being her perfume with pheromones "Vivir" "To Live" and an oxygen supplement "Oxyvivir" her top sellers. This CD is due to be released sometime in May With the released of a new covers of her hits in Mexico she proves why she is everybody's favorite gaining great attention and becomes an instant hit on sells by amprofon, focusing on the new music giving great presentations on TV, radio and returning in a special role in "Mi Pecado" "My Sin" a soap with a special part as key to the story development.
That brings her to another small special invitation as a charm of luck in the Mexican version of Mi Gorda bella. She comebacks in with another CD with mariachi as part of her fourth CD contract deal with Sony music. Also in , she was inducted into the Paseo de las Luminarias Plaza of the Stars  for her work as a recording artist and in television. This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. Learn how and when to remove these template messages This biography of a living person needs additional citations for verification , as it includes attribution to IMDb.
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March Lucia debuted as a writer of a soap opera in Miami in Retrieved August 15, Retrieved 10 February Lastly, for the topic, the perspectives on the idea of LD, interview questions were meant to elicit data about the meaning of LD itself, what is an LD, the intersection of LD and ethnicity, and language, among others. The interviews were conducted at the school site at a time and location that was agreed upon between the students and myself and school personnel.
I followed the general recommendations and approach to interviewing by Bogdan and Biklen Nevertheless, in each session with individual students, I stayed close to the interview protocol after we exhausted discussion of emerging topics to get through the entire protocol. Teacher and parent interviews.
The teacher and parent interview protocols were structured the same way as the student interviews with three topics e. I conducted a total of six sessions totaling 10 hours, 34 minutes and 5 seconds of audio recorded interviews across three parent participants See Appendix A for Parent Interview Protocol. A session was defined as a single field trip to interview the participants either within their home and school. I was only able to complete the full protocol of interview questions with Luciana Cruz since Mia Martinez dropped out of the study after the initial session due to her lack of availability and her multiple jobs and multiple shifts at work.
Nevertheless, for Mia Martinez, we completed 1 hour, 22 minutes and 43 seconds, within a single session. I conducted all parent interviews in Spanish since all of the three participating parents spoke Spanish only. I conducted a total of 24 sessions that generated 26 hours, 19 minutes and 28 seconds of audio recordings, across the three of the teacher participants. For two of the teachers—Ms. Michaels and Ms.
Reeves—we completed the teacher interview protocol. For Ms. McDonald, we met three sessions and did not complete the entire teacher interview protocol, but we did interview for 4 hours, one minute and 37 seconds. Reeves and I conducted her interview for 11 hours, 53 minutes and 58 seconds across 11 sessions; while Ms. Michaels and I conducted her interview for ten hours, 23 minutes and 53 seconds across ten sessions. Reeves was finishing up her second year of teaching experience at the time of the study and had a provisional secondary education teaching certificate, while Ms.
Michaels began her career in as a teacher aid and started to be an official teacher since , for a total of eight years at the time of study. While it was Ms. Data Analysis Procedures Student interviews. The student data included personal narrative, self-reflection, meta- commentary, and dialogue with the researcher.
Again, emotion- laden talk was conceptualized as emotion discourse Edwards, Emotion discourse is situated within social practices and is indexed within the reactions, responses, opinions, etc. Emotion implicative WHATs are topics, statements, questions, and responses that invoked emotionality due to sociocultural norms and standards Prior, Prior states speakers can also do emotion-implicative work through topic selection e.
Intensifiers are the indices of social and emotional expression within the linguistic responses and statements of speakers, in this case the students Labov, Despite the use of different terms, it seems that both intensification or amplification and minimization or downtoning result in intensity Kullavanijava, , p. These theoretical discussions regarding emotion implicative WHATs and intensifiers assisted in how I coded and identified these a prior manifestations of emotions within the student interview data. Based on these conceptualizations I developed the following rules and procedures.
Descriptive coding. The first step was descriptive coding. That is, I indexed the data as I was collecting it. Delamont recommends to, index your data as you go; do not allow the data to pile up without knowing what you have collected p. This table included several columns covering timespan, summary, link to research question 1 or 2, link to background and sociocultural contexts for the students, transcription if necessary and a comments, questions, and reflections column. Identification of emotion-laden talk. The majority of the interview data yielded emotion-laden talk that also had to meet the same criteria as above for the whats, of the talk.
I identified 17 strips of interview responses for Sophia that I classified as emotion-laden talk, 34 for Bianca, and 40 for Daniel. Coding emotion implicative WHATs and intensifiers. I identified the hows through the linguistic manifestations of emotions. These included lexical, sentence or statement level manifestations: a. Intensifiers Labov, —through adverbs such as really, so, very, kinds, etc.
Emotion implicative WHATs Prior, —that is, responses, statements and topics that imply emotionality situations or contexts due to the sociocultural understanding that they signify as emotion- laden. This served as part of my interpretation process; the latter helped me make sense and integrate my findings. Specifically, in writing in-process memos, I made connections for potential outside audiences regarding what I found as a result of my data analysis procedures.
Thematic analysis. I did a thematic analysis Riessman, across the emotion-laden talk to develop themes about the whats content that answered each of the research questions. Ethnographic information and materials. These included district and school level educational statistics described above and through student interviews about their background and sociocultural context at home and at school. Crafting of findings chapters.
After coding, analyzing and memoing the data, I created findings chapters for each of the student participants that included a a background and sociocultural context section, b student emotion-laden talk about being labeled LD and c about their understanding of the idea of LD. The second section of each of the finding chapters included the emotion-laden talk of the students about being labeled LD, which were organized by subthemes as explained above.
The third section was about their understanding of the idea of LD organized around subthemes, as well. I did descriptive coding or indexing of two of the teacher interview data, Ms. Michaels, and Ms. I will use teacher data for further analysis and future publications. All of the parent interviews were analyzed using emotion and descriptive coding Saldana, Emotion codes label the emotions recalled and experienced by the participant, or inferred by the researcher about the participant.
I did a content analysis of the parent interviews. This included the selection of quotes that contributed to the overall story of each case and content analysis of the quotes within the actual chapter after presenting the quote. Some of these strategies i. I used student and parent interviews, critical ethnographic participant observations, school records in order to triangulate the data.
I added a positionality or researcher stance above; however, throughout the research process I wrote reflective memos in order to remain reflective about my own and ongoing reflectivity. These people included but are not limited to: my chair of my dissertation committee, Professor Alfredo J. Artiles and my other two members of my dissertation committee—Professors David J.
Connor, and Matthew Prior. I ensured prolonged field engagement by: o spending two years prior to collecting data as a volunteer at the school site, o conducting multiple sessions of interviews with the participants, both at the school site and their homes. Sophia was a Mexican American year-old female student, bilingual in Spanish and English and in the seventh grade.
I walked into Ms. Sophia was sitting at the central desk, a place where Ms. Michaels and her students would gather daily for class. Sophia was drawing in a notebook, waiting for the end of the school day to come, when I sat next to her. I learned that day Sophia was an avid drawer: I love drawing, its one of my favorite things. Well one of my things that I like for drawing is that you can imaginate sic how you can draw the sky or a person, and it feels that. Sophia connected her practice of drawing to the affective as well as to her imagination.
Besides being an avid drawer, Sophia stated that she was good at math, reading, and science: Am good at math, am a little bit good at reading. However, this response was not devoid of ideological assumptions about schooling e. Specifically, math in the above emotion-laden talk, is an emotion implicative WHATs Prior, because for Sophia it represented a topic that gave her happiness.
This was especially so, when she achieved at math. Quantitatively Sophia used 71 emotion implicative WHATs, 65 intensifiers, 18 emotions, 37 feelings and a total of nine paralinguistic manifestations of emotion across the interview corpus of evidence to answer research questions one and two. Overall, Sophia used 18 emotions, 35 feelings, and nine paralinguistic manifestations of emotions within her emotion-laden talk across her discussions of background and sociocultural home and school contexts.
Sophia linguistic and paralinguistic manifestations of emotions included: sad three times , happy two times , angry, love, and bad; feelings—tired two times , indignation, and shut down; and paralinguistic—exclamation point See Table 8. Sophia was a serious learner. Sophia used the intensifier big to emphasis the positive importance she gave to school and education. Similarly, Sophia explained her favorite thing about school: Well mostly part is. Sophia expressed that we were all in school for a big reason for the purpose of education in a way that she appeared to have concluded consciously for the first time, but yet already knew deep down.
Sophia also sensed that I understood her concern; there was a higher purpose for going to school even though it might be painful or a struggle to learn in school. Sophia was born in Pinole, a southwestern major urban city, to Luciana Cruz. Her siblings, Miguel and Andreas Cruz, had been diagnosed with autism. Both Sophia and Luciana had beautiful long braided hair that passed their waists.
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Luciana was also bilingual in Spanish and English. Her dominant language was Spanish, so we conducted all her interviews in Spanish. Luciana was born in a major city in Mexico, but soon after birth, her family moved to a Mexican city that shared a border with the US. Luciana has lived close to Nodding Elementary School for a little over 20 years. Luciana was 40 years old and answered Hispanic when I asked her both her race and ethnicity. During one of my visits to see Sophia, her grandfather, Jorge, was reading a Christian Bible on the family living room sofa.
The house was a large, white, three-bedroom corner home with a metal screen door on the front door of the house.
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However, after the second trip when I brought pan dulce sweet bread and coffee from Starbucks for her family, I felt more at home after each visit. There was a large divider between the living room and the dining room area and table where I interviewed Luciana and Sophia. Sophia always volunteered to help me set up my video camera equipment and brought me a glass of water that either she or her mom would offer me. We usually sat across or next to each other at their wide wooden large dining room table. Outside of school, Sophia saw a child psychologist and speech therapist and attended other extracurricular activities on a weekly basis.
Luciana coordinated all of these activities for Sophia and her siblings. Sophia attended Nodding Elementary School since second grade. Coming to Nodding Elementary School was a major turning point for her education. If I was still there, I would like failed. Sophia used the intensifier really to underscore the fact that she was not good at spelling or writing words.
Spelling and writing, I argue, are emotion-implicative topics for Sophia. This situation has been the norm in special education reading research and practice Artiles, Nevertheless, we see the structural inequalities that Sophia and her mom experienced given the policies and practices in special education e. Coming to terms with being labeled LD. Sophia did not remember when she was first told she had an LD. Sophia continued: Cause am like, why am I going to this class?
Well, like my mom never told me about it. Sophia here underscored the emotional contexts that undergird the labeling of someone with LD as well as the ethical decision involved in informing individuals that they have the educational condition LD. Not being told that you have a learning disability is an emotion implicative WHATs because it leads to a culture of silence and it is unethical and unjust.
Sophia just figured it out on her own, and she shared that, it was tough for her mom Luciana to acknowledge that Sophia was labeled with an LD. It makes me feel bad. How Sophia generally associated LD related to her performance within educational tasks and contexts. For Sophia, her LD was something of the mind. Sophia couched her LD as something within herself.
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Shakespeare noted: I reject the strong social model approach to disability and attempt to construct an alternative which neither reduces disability to an individual medical problem, nor neglects the predicament of bodily limitations and difference. I demonstrate that there are different options for de- medicalizing disability and promoting social change to enable and include people with impairments. Disability results from the interplay of individual and contextual factors. In other words, people are disabled by society and by their bodies…[Hence], the experience of a disabled person results from the relationship between factors intrinsic to the individual, and extrinsic factors arising from the wider context in which she finds herself Shakespeare, , p.
Sophia was candid about her past and current academic struggles in reading, writing, and learning. Nevertheless, like Shakespeare, Sophia also grappled with the complexity of disability and its meaning as it related to LD and its social construction and emotionality. Further, even though Sophia was tired and did not want to draw her explanations about LD, she shared her ingenuity as it related to her identity as a drawer: Am tired. Do you know how long it takes to draw the picture? An hour or two!
Sophia provided insight into her general associations of her LD as something of the mind and its thoughts as well as into her habits of mind as they related to her identity as an artist with great attention to detail. Original statement Translation Eso es algo que le dificulta bastante.
That's something that is very difficult Estuve hablando con la maestra de for her [Sophia]. Y difficult for her. They are doing a que el carro va caminando solito algo project about a car. Entonces dice que tiene muchas by itself or something like that. No puede "Oh, this is very good," but when the hacerlo change in tone, as in a release moment comes that she has think of in tension and hopelessness.
Entonces them and write them. Tiene person needs to help her write it. She has trouble expresa. Me dijo are you doing in science class? What para que pueda mejorar, eso me dijo is it that you are trying to do? Pero yo with autism. But because I have porque tengo hijos autista, yo comparo autistic children, I a uno con el otro. And they Pero a ella no la tienen con un are identical. But because aprendizaje. Y la ciencia, y the other two. And the science, and los doctores [que] dicen no, no lo es. The salience of sociocultural contextualization.
Culture here is not a static concept that people or identity groups have, but an action verb that indicates what people do and produce in the moment to moment interactions that they navigate throughout their everyday lives in multiple contexts. Leonardo and Broderick argued that smartness is false and oppressive like whiteness.
The evidence summarized thus far shows that Sophia was part of a community who cared deeply about her development and learning. Sophia also cared deeply about her learning. Nevertheless, the social construction of ability and disability related to the educational label LD was something that Sophia, unfortunately, needed to navigate. The hegemony of smartness constrained her opportunities to learn and her well-being. Traditionally, LD is considered to be something that exists within the neurology of people—their underperformance or lack of achievement is individualized and psychologized within children and adults with LD.
Hatt noted: Children typically learn about their own relative smartness in school. Smartness is described as being initially located outside students and then culturally produced so that it moves through students as spoken discourse and embodied practice. Smartness operates as a figured world that shapes how ability is talked and thought about in schools and larger society my own emphasis p. Hatt, however, also noted that smartness is a topic that involves feelings of not-smart.
Sophia situated the hegemony of smartness in the emotion implicative WHAT the feelings of someone being smarter than you since not everyone learns and understands at the same pace. Here we see Sophia expressed the salience of smartness ideologically—that is, expressed the logic behind the phenomena of smartness—but also emotionally—since she emphasized the feeling one gets— that they are better than you—due to the logic of smartness. Similarly, Leonardo and Broderick argued that smartness is false and oppressive; however, they compared it to Whiteness.
Like Whiteness, false beliefs and ideologies circulate about who People of Color are in relation to White people. Similarly, smartness is insidious and ideologically affects the lived experiences of people with disabilities. Self-identity is a key element in what I have termed the psycho-emotional consequences of disablism. Poststructuralists would refer to these social forces and processes as the discourses, or discursive practices, through which our subjectivities are produced Thomas, , p.
Therefore, the structural identity of LD has a psycho- emotional impact on students labeled as such, like Sophia. Sophia explained how she thought about her LD in the context of school failure, such as retention. Like if am upset that why am in seventh grade and am supposed to be in eighth grade and then am like thinking about it.
And it keeps me thinking that, their smarter than me and am not. I get it twisted around. And if am over there at home with my cousins, it happens there too. And then they ask me a question. Did you like flunk or something? Sophia indicated that she got upset if she remembered the fact that she was retained from eighth grade to seventh grade; however, these negative feelings did not exist in isolation from her peers and siblings.
I think to myself. Like its making you feel bad, but in the same way its making you feel bad instead of. Sophia stated, three times, that being retained made her feel bad, which led to feelings of madness and sadness. As Sophia continued to reflect about the times that her LD became salient, she shared her ongoing perspective that the purpose of being in school was learning: Well, sometimes I think to myself that if am really in. However, there was a subtext in her emotion-laden talk about being labeled with LD and the sociocultural and institutional contexts that being labeled as such engenders: emotionality.
Shrugged her shoulders. Like Daniel is in the smart class. This is significant since it illuminates how the hegemony of smartness was encoded in the emotion-laden talk of Sophia about being labeled LD and also about her experiences within special education. I italicized and underlined the intensifiers e. However, to be clear, this is not something that purely exists within the neurology of students such as Sophia but are due to the circulating negative messages about ability and disability differences in society and within the big d Discourse of schooling.
These messages, in turn, affect the lived experiences of students like Sophia as evidenced in her emotion-laden talk about being labeled with LD and experiencing it on the ground. Although Sophia experienced the hegemony of smartness and we can see them within her emotion-laden talk, she did not experience it deterministically. Sophia was agentive and grappled with ablest messages statured within the big d Discourse of schooling and the larger society. Disability microaggressions.
Sophia also experienced disability microaggressions that were emotionally laden due to her structural disability label of LD. Sophia suffered comments and responses to her ability differences by her teachers, siblings, and peers that were hostile to her sense of self and academic identity. These disability microaggressions were interactional and interpersonal in nature, hence, socially constructed, and left negative feelings and emotions for Sophia. According to Sue and his colleagues, the consequences of microaggressions are clear: individual negative psychological, interpersonal, institutional and I would argue, cultural-historical developmental effects.
The disability microaggressions that Sophia experienced also affected her opportunities to learn, her view of herself as a learner and her academic identity in general, and how she made meaning-feeling Lemke, Sophia experienced disability microaggressions both within the school context and while she engaged in learning activities outside of the school walls. Having others comment or spread rumors about her disability was something that worried Sophia.
Sophia connected this worry to a betrayal of trust through harmful talking or the potential spread of rumors by others about her LD. Sophia expressed that betrayals of trust by others can lead her to feel bad due to the ability differences. In other words, LD is an ideological artifact and LD is a sticky object Ahmed, , since the idea of LD is sociocultural and political in nature and does not originate within students like Sophia per se. Sophia was keenly aware of how others might perceive her ability and disability differences within literacy and other related school-based contexts.
How she navigated them is telling of how she constructed her emotion-laden talk about being labeled with LD. Interestingly, Sophia shared heartfelt instances when her LD became salient: a Sophia candidly asked for help with an academic task and b unsolicited offenses by her peers or interlocutors. These examples demonstrate the social construction of LD—where students such as Sophia indeed have learning needs but face a hostile social response due to their needs. These hostile social responses and comments constitute disability microaggressions that Sophia experienced. In this example, Sophia re-enacted a disability microaggression she encountered with her peers and siblings.
However, from an interdisciplinary perspective, the term learned helplessness speaks to what Curt Darling-Marling has called the social construction of LD and how the idea of LD sustains the ideologies of individualism and meritocracy in schooling settings when students with LD such as Sophia ask for help. Interactions with non- disabled peers, therefore, reveal disability microaggressions that students like Sophia have to endure within an ablest culture of smartness. Like if you, like if they ask you a question how to spell it, can they just. The beginnings of meta-talk seem to be emerging in this quote and suggest that Sophia was agentive against the disability microaggressions that she experienced at school and home.
Sophia questioned why her brother and others needed to 9 Although difficult to define, Labov understood intensifiers through a gradient scale—where intensifiers not only increase in volume the feeling-meaning Lemke, communicated by the speaker through the linguistic resources e. Well, it feels like I feel when I have a partner with me I feel, nervous, nervous and. This example illustrates that Sophia also experienced disability microaggressions that were paralinguistic or non-verbal. These, like her verbal examples, occurred within interactional exchanges.
The disability microaggressions presented here were at the interactional and inter-personal level. Like racial microaggressions, the forms of disability microaggressions were both extreme e. Nevertheless, just as in dealing with disability microaggressions, Sophia was agentive in her meaning- feeling making regarding being labeled with an LD. Sophia saw her LD as double-edged sword, that is, as both a positive thing in her academic life as well as a problematic and negative force.
LDness as polymorphous meant that this condition had multiple faces: LDness as a matter of fact, LDness as a special needs kid, LDness as a self-fulfilling prophecy, LDness as struggling in literacy, and LDness as alienation. LD as a double-edged sword. Sophia emotion-laden talk the idea of LD as a double-edged sword due to the positive and negative consequences of being labeled as such.
Disability is always an interaction between individual and structural factors. Rather than getting fixated on defining disability either as a deficit or structural disadvantage, a holistic understanding is required. The experience of a disabled person results from the relationship between factors intrinsic to the individual, and extrinsic factors arising from the wider context in which she finds herself. Among the intrinsic factors are issues such as: the nature and severity of her impairment, her own attitudes to it, personal qualities and abilities, and her personality.
Among the contextual factors are: the attitudes and reactions of others, the extent to which the environment is enabling or disabling, and wider cultural, social and economic issues relevant to disability in that disability Shakespeare, , p. For Sophia, internal factors included self-talk or meta-talk meta-cognitive and meta-affective talk about being labeled LD. The internal and external ways in which Sophia made meaning-feeling Lemke, of her LD and the emotions about LD as it related to being labeled were bidirectional and not in isolation from each other.
My interviews with Sophia were a chance for her and me to think about and dialogue together about the meaning of LD or learning disability. I included these in my interview questions, since meaning-making about the term or a narrative about it was part of the purpose of our time together. Sophia and I continued to learn about how she understood her LD when she reflected on if she talked with anyone about her LD: No, just like to my teachers.
Talking about LD, for Sophia, was related to school-based personnel and not peers or peer culture. Talking to teachers about it for Sophia was safe, but at the same time, something that she or someone labeled with LD needed to keep under her or his control or silenced. Really, both times, and more, the once, was used in the context of ability differences e.
For example, before and after stating the intensifiers i. The emotion-laden talk about LD as slow learner involved: behavior e. Lastly, the emotion-laden talk regarding LDness as X and LD as polymorphous included: relationships e. Sophia pointed to the fact that the general education classroom was not responsive to her needs for help and that special education classes were. Sophia again did not deny the fact that students with LD and who go to special education classes have learning struggles but pointed to the structural issue of not getting help in the general education classes.
Again, the bottom line for Sophia was getting help with her learning needs and learning. This is further evidence that for her, the idea of LD was connected to receiving services and allowing her teachers to realize that she might be struggling and in need of help with her academic and literacy work. LDness as X. Nevertheless, other conceptualizations emerged from her emotion-laden talk as well: LDness as a matter of fact, LDness as a special needs kid, LDness as a self-fulfilling prophecy, LDness as struggling in literacy, and LDness as alienation.
Sophia expressed the following regarding what she thought the meaning of LD was for her: Probably like am slow or something [inaudible] I don't know. Sophia here pointed to a classic theoretical perspective within the disability studies literature on the psycho-emotional dimensions of disability oppression or disablism: the self-concept of those with a disability is in direct relationship to those who are not. Sophia opened with associating herself or someone with the label LD as being slow at learning and then pointed to how other kids, not like her or those not labeled with LD, learn fast.
That is, Sophia seemed to conflate herself and LD. This narrative merger speaks to how classification systems influence the self- constructions of those labeled as such. However, what counts as LD and how individuals such as Sophia make sense of LD and what it has to say about their sense of self is not a seamless process or a one-to-one correspondence. In other words, the homology of the field is not the paralogy of individuals per se.
Sophia shared the following regarding when she struggled the most in learning, which revealed a situated story regarding her emotion-laden talk of the idea of LD: I think the most is social studies. Here Sophia recounted a time during social studies where she had a teacher who was not sensitive to her learning speed. Sophia understood her LDness as a slow leaner since she realized her LDness when she experienced a non-accommodating environment by her teacher. This is indeed troubling, since Sophia expressed fear of getting in trouble with her teacher and not being able to speak up for her needs.
First your like upset. Sophia invoked the homology of the field when she alluded to her Individualized Education Program IEP papers that are supposed to tell teachers about her official classification for them to make accommodations for special education students. How Sophia talked about her LD above is illustrative of real sociocultural educational contexts that she had to navigate amidst her abstract conceptualization of the idea of LD. For the first time, Sophia provided a nuance to LDness as a slow learner—to not understanding things as fast as others.
Finally, Sophia expressed that she was upset at how her teacher was unaware of the fact that she and her classmates did not learn as fast as she was going. Within the context of recounting the first time that Sophia heard the label and in amidst another emotion-laden talk about a non-accommodating teacher regarding her LD needs, she remarked how her mother, Luciana, was an advocate for her. The following emotion-laden talk by Sophia illustrates how Luciana was an advocate for her siblings with special needs as well.
In addition, Sophia shared her problems with oral comprehension and understanding that also undergird her LDness as a slow learner: With my mom. Because she talks on the phone. And then. Both were vocal regarding their needs as stakeholders of the educational system and Luciana was a positive example amidst the hegemony of smartness and disability microaggressions that Sophia needed to navigate to access quality education.
Here we also see, however, that Sophia experienced negative emotionality with teachers. Nevertheless, Sophia expressed what I term LDness as a matter of fact in the above emotion-laden talk, in which LDness as a slow learner and one that does not necessarily understand quickly but needs others to explain to her multiple times in order for her to get it. LDness as polymorphous. LDness as polymorphous underscores this. Sophia evoked, what I have termed LDness as a matter of fact.
Interestingly, Sophia also did this when she recounted times that her LDness needed to be addressed by institutional agents, such as her teachers, but they failed to do so. Sophia continued to explain that the purpose of the label LD was to inform her teachers what she is good at and what she is not really good at doing in the hopes of them responding to her ability differences appropriately.
Sophia continued to invoke her fears that her teachers would talk about her LDness behind her back when she was not in the general education classroom. The excerpt above is illustrative of LDness as polymorphous due to the quick way LDness goes from non-problematic signifier to problematic signifier due to its social construction and the emotions that emerge from the latter.
Sophia sandwiched her uncertainty regarding how she felt different through the minimizer intensifier kind of and used the positive intensifiers really within her emotion-laden talk as it related to being different due to the idea of LD. Her narrative also spoke to the isolation and alienation that one feels when one believes they are alone and the only one struggling. Sophia in situ realized that she was not the only one with an LD or who was struggling, but that struggling was okay and that being labeled with an LD because you learn slower was okay and not the end of the world.
However, in making such an argument Sophia was aware of those negative stereotypes that circulate within schooling and society about ability and disability differences. Research has shown that the mindsets that students develop within a competitive schooling context affects their motivation and performance e. Above, Sophia highlighted this sense of alienation, or LDness as alienation, but also a unique perspective: that students like herself who are labeled LD understand their struggles and the idea of LD as something to hide and be ashamed of as a part of themselves.
Even though this might have been the first time over an extended amount of time that she had the opportunity to sit and dialogue about it, Sophia was keenly aware of what is true and what is false regarding her academic identity as a student in special education and having been diagnosed with LD. Unfortunately, in school and society students like Sophia need to navigate negative stereotypes about students in special education.
This negative emotionality and thoughts contribute to LDness as alienation. Nevertheless, we can see that Sophia was agentive through self-talk or what I term self-narrativization about the idea of LD and also being labeled as such. This overlapping of themes within her emotion-laden talk about LD is precisely what also characterizes the theme LDness as polymorphous. However, different from what? Students within the educational system, directly or officially through labeling and classification systems are compared to one another, and indirectly or unofficially, children and students do the comparing on the playground or the classroom.
Ironically, the former is institutionally sanctioned, while the latter is institutionally unsanctioned. I like to be called like the struggles in reading. Probably it is cause like Spanish is way different than English, the vowels, constants how they go, the sight words, like that. Cause am like new to English and. When talking with Ms. Michaels about the possibility of Daniel being in my study, she immediately shared that Daniel had a brother in seventh grade, Oscar, who also played on the Nodding Elementary School soccer team.
Daniel was 14 years old and bilingual in Spanish and English. Daniel also shared that he felt comfortable speaking Spanish inside and outside the classroom with his friends. His use of Spanish was not restricted to peers, but also adults, since Nodding Elementary School served a predominately Spanish-speaking community and had school staff members, such as the vice principal, Mrs.
Luz, and teachers, who spoke Spanish. This budding literature seeks to not conflate language difference with an LD by pointing to the ways in which second language acquisition is separate from an LD, while acknowledging that multiple manifestations of the former may appear like those of the latter. Daniel was born in Pinole, a southwestern major urban city, to Mia and Mateo Martinez. Daniel was the third of four children; his oldest brother was in the twelfth grade and another sibling graduated from high school in Daniel had beautiful, thick black hair, usually faded cut with his sideburns shaved in a thin V- shape.
Daniel always carried a smile on his face that would light up a room, but he would use it wisely—when centered and attentive in conversation, his eyes would widen and his face would become serious. When Daniel shared this, I immediately empathized with him. Further, Daniel was not only aware of his ethnic self and the ways in which society perceives his ethnic group, but he was motivated to fight and resist those stereotypes in society just like the deficit ideologies about his neighborhood.
Daniel and his parents lived about five minutes from Nodding Elementary School. I was warmly greeted by Mia and then Mateo. I was cognizant of my language, considering how traditional special education language has been shown to alienate historically marginalized parents and families from equitable access to the specialized discourse of special education See Harry, My dad only had like a sixth-grade education.
Furthermore, I interviewed Mia once for approximately 80 minutes; she dropped out of the study due to multiple jobs and work shifts. Mia self-identified as Hispanic and middle class: Original statement Translation Pues, media, se puede decir, media, ni Well, middle, you can say, middle, soy pobre ni soy rica, soy gente medio am not poor nor rich, I am of a people. Pues si porque no no no somos who is middle. Con sus. According to Mia, Daniel and his siblings spoke English the majority of the time.
Language practices of students and their speech communities Gumperz, other than English are not benign and neutral. Unfortunately, there has been a historical divide between culture and LD Artiles et al. In fact, I would use the term abled-cognitively-psychologically-emotionally- bodied. When discussing his background and the sociocultural contexts in which he lived, Daniel used a total of 25 emotion implicative WHATs e. Mia attended adult school, and considering her busy full-time work schedule, her attendance was an indicator of the value she placed on education. Well perhaps yes, am para aprender.
In contrast, Daniel understood it in abstract ways, such as providing single word descriptors that he has been told about his LD. Similar to Daniel, Mia described their neighborhood in a positive light. Mia stated the neighborhood was very quiet and that she had very good neighbors: Original statement Translation Muy tranquilo. Here we see the intensifier muy very used twice when describing her neighborhood climate and neighbors which shows the emphasis that Mia put on depicting her neighborhood in a positive light.
I interpreted this, as once again, connecting to the deficit ideologies about communities of Color, especially in relation to state politics as it relates to immigrant communities. I came to know Daniel as a determined, observant, quiet but energetic young person whose eyes captured you. How do we in the field of special education and LD reconcile the classification and labeling of students as LD or with reading and writing disabilities when students such as Daniel participate in multiple literacy practices such as soccer?
Daniel explained his struggles: Reading. It makes me feel a sense of urgency to like get my, to like, yeah. His response points to the motivation and sense of urgency to get his grades up; nevertheless, he experienced mixed feelings since, on the one hand he was unhappy that he had these issues but happy at the same time since he had the sense of urgency to get his grades up in reading. Grades for Daniel were a motivator and gave him a sense of confidence in school. Daniel was doing well in all his classes at the time of our interviews and was on track to graduate from middle school, which he did in the Spring of Culturally and historically, Daniel was enveloped within a community at Nodding Elementary School that was doing everything it could to support his transition from middle-school to high-school.
Daniel received free math tutoring after school with his science teacher, Ms. Street, to prepare for the math portion of an entrance exam to a local private high school. An outcome and a process influencing the integrated nature of the different components of the trinity of LD for Daniel was motivation. During the time of the study, Daniel was in a unique situation in regards to his LD classification. June, were determining if he would stay in special education and be considered as having LD.
Daniel shared that several of his teachers—Ms. Michaels his resource teacher and Ms. December the social studies teacher —were also part of the multidisciplinary team and attended the IEP meeting. December believed that Daniel should not be in special education anymore. Daniel stated Ms. Nevertheless, Ms. Finally, Ms. Walnut thought that he should still have it also.
Although in all schools there were individual teachers whose referral patterns were either much higher or much lower than the average among their colleagues, each school faculty tended to show its own patterns of referral rates. What are the self-identity implications of institutional and administrative decisions of such liminal moments in the educational life-course of students, like Daniel, due to being labeled LD? During my interview conversations with Daniel about his multiple identities and markers of difference such as ethnicity, gender, and disability and the meanings of these constructs, we also talked about his other activities such as playing soccer, being a friend, a son and much more than group traits can index about his evolving self.
The one constituency of the oppressed in which all surviving members eventually stop being members and have the option of becoming administrators of the same conditions for new members. The oppression of children is the wheel that keeps all other oppression turning. Without it, misery would have to be imposed afresh on each new generation, instead of being passed down like a heritage of disease.
Children enter the world full of expectation and hope. They are not jaded. They are not cynical or resigned. They are clearly what custom has made invisible to us, and are outraged by all injustices, no matter how small. It is through the agency of former children that the revolutionary potential of each generation of children is held in check p. Similar to the hegemony of smartness, the hegemonic ideologies within the big d Discourse of schooling and special education are not benign social forces that students must navigate and make sense of.
Each element did not exist in a vacuum, but rather, they were interrelated, especially if we consider them as aspects of the big d Discourse of schooling and special education. Within this metaphor, one aspect of the trinity could not not exist without the other two—the trinity of LD was integrated. By help, Daniel meant that being labeled LD afforded him accommodations such as extra time on tests and assignments.
This is indeed an iconic artifact of the big d Discourse of special education. Interestingly, Daniel also situated it within an academic subject reading. Daniel was happy because he was asking for help, but at the same time he was sad since he did not understand how to do the problem or academic skill by himself. This contradiction, I argue, also indicates a sign of frustration due to non- understanding. Daniel experienced help in the context of reading and writing and his primary strategy for learning or getting unstuck consisted of asking for help from his teacher.
It makes the whole sentence confusing. Tells me what it means. Try to re-read it and go over it again. Getting help from teachers with his reading and writing for Daniel seemed to be set in motion from the first time he heard the label LD and was told he was going to be in special education. His teacher told him that he was going to be with his special education resource teacher, Ms. This insight to the meaning of being labeled with LD and being in special education not only related to the rational-utilitarian aspect of receiving the label LD for service purposes, but also spoke to the psycho-social-emotional dimensions of disability oppression and stigmatization that Daniel and others needed to navigate both internally and externally.
Daniel understood his LD as well as the labeling of children with LD and being in special education through the lens of help, that is, helping students like him with reading, writing, and other academic subjects and skills. As Daniel shared this insight. I agreed with him that this indeed was the hallmark of special education. This call by Daniel for teachers to help students with LD was also self- evident within his talk and emotion-laden talk about being labeled with LD. For example, within the context of reading and writing or literacy struggles what helped Daniel was the assistance or help that teachers provided to him.
Daniel shared that Ms. Daniel also shared about his literacy practices and dispositions, what Sterponi would call his reading habitus. Although Daniel situated the activity of reading within himself, Sterponi reminded us that: Reading is no longer viewed as merely a psycholinguistic phenomenon. Reading is a situated activity. As such, it can best be approached as a range of historically contingent, ideologically grounded, and culturally organized practices Sterponi, , p.
Reading curricula and pedagogy propose normative definitions of involvement with text Heap, Certain kinds of reading are authorized and promoted, while others tend to be neglected or even intentionally excluded Sterponi, , p. Not so good, cause am just reading, like not understanding what am reading.
I get bored already. Learning for Daniel, therefore, was about understanding. His interaction with texts also stemmed from a relationship between motivation and teachers as mediating understanding. Overall, Daniel conceptualized participation not only individually, but interpersonally. Only if I get chosen, then I have to do it. It is relative to the dynamics enacted. The purpose of schools: A medicalized lens: schooling is about the mastery of skills and strategies, for example, in reading, writing, and mathematics. Literacy is about deciphering a text.
Literacy is about deciphering, and participation in, social practices p. Nevertheless, from a situated perspective, where learning is not individual but social we can see that his relationship with his teachers index a sociocultural lens of learning. People with learning disabilities may appear content to let events happen without attempting to control or influence them.
These individuals have what is referred to as an external, rather than an internal, locus of control. People with this outlook sometimes display learned helplessness: a tendency to give up and expect the worst because they think that no matter how hard they try, they will fail. A vicious cycle develops: The student learns to expect failure in any new situation on the basis of past experience. This expectancy of failure, or learned helplessness, might then cause the student to give up too easily when faced with a difficult or complicated task.
On the one hand, if read from a medical lens perspective, Hallahan et al. Daniel believed he was labeled with LD and was in special education sometimes because he did not understand or had difficulty with reading and writing and was in need of help while participating in traditional literacy practices within the big d Discourse of schooling.
Nevertheless, help was not isolated from who offered or from whom he elicited the help. Hence, since Daniel had literacy troubles, he elicited help from his teachers, alluding to the social interactions that resulted from the trinity of LD. How all stakeholders of the educational system interpret these predicaments matter.
That is why it is important to have pluralistic epistemological, ontological and axiological paradigms Connor et al. On being bullied. The Task Force explained: Bullying is a highly varied form of aggression where there is systematic use and abuse of power. It can also include social or relational forms of bullying in which a victim is excluded by peers or subjected to humiliation. Bullying can occur face-to-face or through digital media such as text messages, social media, and websites. There are mild, moderate, and severe levels of bullying American Educational Research Association, , p.
I adopt the above characterization of bullying in this study and also add that bullying can originate in the subject position of being labeled with LD within the big d Discourses and special education. Daniel recounted specific instances of peers enacting bullying and verbal aggression such as name-calling, invalidation, and humiliation, akin to the false and oppressive violence of Whiteness Leonardo, , which is both individual and institutional Bell, ; Blanchett, Emotion is not formally part of education, its philosophical underpinnings, its policy and curriculum imperatives or, often, even its day-to-day enactments.
In the latter case, when emotion is allowed in, it is understood through the filter of educational psychology. This occurs, for instance, in the form of psychologically underpinned discourses of proper, or more often improper, student development. In other words, the common sense assumptions about LD, emotionality and the social construction of LD within educational contexts that has resulted in bullying for Daniel was the ideological apparatus Althusser, at work in his experiences.
For example, during one of my initial interviews with Daniel, the vice principal10, Mrs. Luz, noted how staff members at Nodding Elementary School worked very hard to curtail verbal name-calling after Daniel described his LD the following way: Reading. Daniel here directly addressed how the language and label of LD made him feel.
Interestingly, Mrs. Luz, 10 Mrs. Luz was present in the interview room because it was school policy that I could not be alone with the participants during the school day while I was interviewing them. And I need some more time in my testing. And you could just put your ear phones and it just reads the lessen he has to reinforce those skills.
Although Mrs. From a narrative perspective, the ways in which we understand ourselves are not isolated from the narratives available to us in our sociocultural milieus e. Luz invoked her authority as a mother with a son with an LD and as a representative of Nodding Elementary School who was doing everything she could to create a safe school climate. On the other hand, from a student voice perspective, Mrs. Nevertheless, the ways in which Daniel experienced and conceptualized his labeling of LD and being in special education—the good and the ugly—needs to be taken into account.
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