For the data, see the appendix. Our analysis finds wide variation in employment outcomes by educational attainment, underscoring the importance of education for people seeking work after release. These results indicate that the one-two punch of being criminalized and excluded from high school puts large numbers of people out of work. For those who enter prison without a high school diploma, GED programs are frequently offered to help bridge the educational gap.
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Accordingly, we find that compared to the general public, formerly incarcerated people are much more likely to attain the high school credential through GED programs. But although a GED can be an important corrective for those who have been pushed out of traditional high schools, there are clear income differences in the general public between those who get GEDs and those who get traditional diplomas. In terms of employment outcomes, a GED is undoubtedly better than no high school credential at all, but this difference in earnings demonstrates that a GED and a diploma may not provide the same economic rewards.
Prior research has identified some important benefits of in-prison GED programs, including higher post-prison earnings and reduced recidivism. Our analysis allows us to distinguish between formerly incarcerated people who received GEDs in prison and those who received them on the outside.
While data retrieval limitations made it impossible to analyze economic outcomes related to where people received GEDs, we found that GEDs earned in prison rarely provide pathways to further educational achievement:. For formerly incarcerated people, a GED earned in prison is almost never a stepping-stone to higher education. In contrast, nearly half of GED holders in the general public go on to complete at least some college.
These results point to a vast system of barriers to entry into higher education as we discuss below , including in-prison GED programs that, without supplemental educational experiences, are insufficient to prepare students for further education. Unsurprisingly, we also find large educational inequalities between the general public and formerly incarcerated people at the top of the educational ladder: college.
For example, among people 25 and older, Figure 4. Although our data did not allow us to track whether people went to college before, during, or after incarceration, such low rates of postsecondary education among formerly incarcerated people suggests that people who have access to college rarely go to prison and criminalized people rarely have the opportunity to get a college degree.
Part of the problem is the limited number of in-prison college programs, which are available in only a fraction of the number of facilities that offered them 25 years ago. But even after release, formerly incarcerated people face barriers to enrolling in college programs. They continue to face punishment in the form of federal financial aid restrictions, discriminatory college admissions practices, and occupational licensing restrictions that can negate educational achievements.
Some of the greatest barriers to accessing higher education while incarcerated or after release from prison include:. These barriers signal to formerly incarcerated people that they are unwelcome in institutions of higher learning, prevent their economic integration, and contribute to the revolving door of release and re-incarceration. Our analysis uncovers how some racial and gender groups face larger educational disadvantages than others.
Formerly incarcerated Black and Hispanic people over age 25 are more likely to hold no high school credential upon release from prison left , and less likely to hold a college degree right , compared to formerly incarcerated white people. These outcomes mirror educational attainment rates in the general population from years ago and undoubtedly contribute to labor market difficulties in an increasingly demanding economy.
Because our analysis focuses on formerly incarcerated people, we also considered the question of whether these educational disadvantages would eventually disappear — for example, as a result of comprehensive reentry programming. Unfortunately, it appears that even four or more years after release, the educational attainment of formerly incarcerated people still lags well behind that of the general public.
With the data, we were able to compare the educational attainment of people who had been recently released from prison within a year of the survey to those who had been back in the community for four years or more.
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Ideally, with robust reentry support, those who had been in the community for four years or more would have had the opportunity to advance their educations, and would report educational attainment much higher than people who were recently released. But the differences are underwhelming; we find that between the first year after release and four or more years after release:. There are, however, opportunities to alleviate these educational inequalities and prevent them from ever occurring in the first place.
The severe educational barriers that formerly incarcerated people face reinforces their broader exclusion from society and harms the social and economic viability of the communities to which they return. To remedy this exclusion, we need a new, evidence-based policy framework that addresses K schooling, prison education programs, and reentry systems, which would yield measurable economic and public safety rewards. The survey was a product of the Prison Rape Elimination Act, and mainly asks about sexual assault and rape behind bars, but it also contains some very useful data on education.
Because this survey contains such sensitive and personal information, the raw data was not available publicly online. Instead, it is kept in a secure data enclave in the basement of the University of Michigan Institute for Social Research. Access to the data required the approval of an independent Institutional Review Board, the approval of the Bureau of Justice Statistics, and required us to access the data under close supervision.
The practicalities of having to travel across the country in order to query a computer database limited the amount of time that we could spend with the data, and other rules restricted how much data we could bring with us.
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Additionally, if the number of respondents falling within any one group was too small, we were not allowed to export the data for that group due to privacy concerns. The NFPS dataset includes 17, adult respondents who were previously incarcerated in state prisons and under parole supervision at the time of the survey. Individual respondents were randomly selected from a random sample of over parole offices across the United States. It is important to note that because this survey was given to people on parole, it is not a perfect tool to measure educational attainment among all formerly incarcerated people.
Some incarcerated people are released without supervision, and their ability to attain further educational credentials may differ from those on parole. Previous research suggests that parole obligations may, in and of themselves, create logistical barriers for people attempting to secure consistent work and school schedules.
The data behind the graphs in this report Figures 1, 3, and 4 are in the tables below. This report, for the first time, analyzes educational attainment among formerly incarcerated people using nationally representative data, and compares post-release employment outcomes by educational level. Two previous, commonly cited studies have used national survey data to examine education among currently incarcerated people.
Census Bureau, include people incarcerated in federal prisons, local jails, and other facilities, and focus on different research questions, such as reasons for dropping out of school, family background, and current educational enrollment. The BJS study includes an analysis of employment prior to incarceration, while the Census study does not address employment at all. Researchers and policymakers interested in the education of correctional populations may find the following comparison of our analysis to these earlier national studies useful. The non-profit, non-partisan Prison Policy Initiative was founded in to expose the broader harm of mass criminalization and spark advocacy campaigns to create a more just society.
The organization is known for its visual breakdown of mass incarceration in the U. The Prison Policy Initiative also works to shed light on the economic hardships faced by justice-involved people and their families, often exacerbated by correctional policies and practice. Past reports have shown that people in prison and people held pretrial in jail start out with lower incomes even before arrest, earn very low wages working in prison, and face unparalleled obstacles to finding work and securing stable housing after they get out.
Lucius Couloute is a Policy Analyst with the Prison Policy Initiative and a PhD candidate in Sociology at the University of Massachusetts Amherst; his dissertation examines both the structural and cultural dynamics of reentry systems. Getting Back on Course is the third and final report in a series analyzing data from the National Former Prisoner Survey, all authored or co-authored by Lucius. The second, Nowhere to Go , offered the first estimate of homelessness among the 5 million formerly incarcerated people living in the U.
This report benefitted from the expertise and input of many individuals. This report was supported by a generous grant from the Public Welfare Foundation and by our individual donors, who give us the resources and the flexibility to quickly turn our insights into new movement resources. And our other newsletters: Research Library updates? Prison gerrymandering campaign? Support us Can you make a tax-deductible gift to support our work? Overview: Educational attainment of formerly incarcerated people Most broadly, we find that inequalities between the general public and formerly incarcerated people begin early and accumulate at each level of education: Figure 1.
As director of the state agency on aging, she was a leading advocate for senior citizens, veterans and the disabled. Lujan Grisham was the first secretary of the Aging and Long-Term Services Department, transferring Medicaid long-term care service programs to the new department and enhancing access to transportation, adult daycare and respite services to seniors and their families. Her work there, as the department became the best in the nation, served as a national model for innovation in home- and community-based services.
As secretary of the state Department of Health, she doubled the number of school-based health centers and installed teen pregnancy prevention programs, enhancing the quality of long-term care in state-run and privately operated facilities with aggressive, diligent leadership and savvy advocacy skills. Across her career in state government, she served under three different governors, Republican and Democrat, demonstrating her lifelong emphasis on positive, productive, result-oriented work above all else.
In two years on the Bernalillo County Commission, Lujan Grisham supported the institution of tough new ethics standards for county officials, pushed for new business incentives and emphasized alternatives to incarceration at the Metropolitan Detention Center. She battled to successfully save the Casita de Milagros program, a residential initiative helping pregnant mothers struggling with drug and alcohol addiction. She was elected to the U. As chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, she became a vocal, national leader in the battle against reactionary federal anti-immigrant policies.
Driven by a deep compassion for seniors and those living with disabilities, and with experience as a caregiver herself, Lujan Grisham introduced and led the push for Care Corps, her legacy legislation, an innovative caregiving initiative that places volunteers in communities to provide non-medical services to seniors and individuals with disabilities. With this support, people can continue to live independently in their homes and communities.
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The first Latina Democratic governor in the U. She campaigned on a message of pragmatic idealism, calling for enhanced investments in public education, aggressive support for a diversified state economy and creative solutions to the entrenched problems within state government. She earned undergraduate and law degrees from the University of New Mexico. Lujan Grisham, 59, a 12th-generation New Mexican, is the mother of two adult children and grandmother of three.
She is the caretaker for her mother, Sonja. Unable to get the rss at this time.
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