Arancio therefore proposes his own vision, which appears to have more than one contact with the interpretation of Jorn's garden given by Debord. What for Debord was the situationist result of Jorn's architectural experience, for Arancio it is the possibility of imagining the shapes, volumes and surfaces of the garden as casts of a space in the making, initial matrices born from the indistinguishable combined action of time, man's work and chance.
The permanent works created by Alicja Kwade, David Tremlett and Patrick Tuttofuoco for Ghizzano, a hamlet in the municipality of Peccioli Pisa , fall within the framework of a cultural strategy that was put in place at the end of the s and is still being pursued today.
As if wishing to underpin the village with his presence, Tuttofuoco has created three works for Ghizzano with a single title, Elevatio corpus, located at crucial points of its fabric. The sculptures refer to a cycle of frescoes by Benozzo Gozzoli, who was active in this area at a particular moment of his life. The story dates back to when the plague obliged the artist, who was working in Pisa, to move with all his family to Legoli, a few kilometres from Ghizzano, where he decorated a shrine. A body that is both architectural structural and anatomical human. A lifting body that therefore implies the presence of something else that is lifted and carried, something capable of transcending matter, space and time.
The main themes of this research turn around the idea of immortality, which are approached in different ways: on the one hand reflections closer to technology and science artificial intelligence, relationship between man and machine, androids and on the other a more spiritual vision in relation to the passage of time. The innate desire of human beings to represent themselves in an attempt to make themselves immortal allows us to insert a different notion of time, a timeline that tends to infinity, able to relate effortlessly with ancient aspirations and visions projected into a distant future.
In this constant dualism between science and spirit, past and future, the body capable of resolving and transcending limitations is that of art. The work of art is the element able to project itself beyond everything and, comprising everything, free humanity from its dependence on matter, space and time. Making use of citation and establishing a close dialogue with the frescoes at Legoli, the artist has succeeded in producing a series of surprising and complex formal solutions that have an imposing presence and are the fruit of dynamic and profoundly contemporary artistic research.
Visitors will encounter wondrous creatures and stunning landscapes filled with colours and sensations that are heightened and strange. Beautiful to behold and often sci-fi in feel, the exhibition will have darker undercurrents relating to our destruction of nature. The varied artistic work pays homage to visionary sci-fi writers and filmmakers who conjured apocalyptic landscapes and creatures such as; J. Third appointment with the video review created by beatrice bulgari for in between art film, by paola ugolini, for the cinema hall of the novecento museum.
Messenger works that open dialogue between people in an exhibition on the link between classical tradition and contemporary artistic research. Roma, 1st May, CLASSIC RELOADED offers a reinterpretation and revitalization of a shared identity heritage, a cultural and artistic base from which it is possible to resume a dialogue, to facilitate that understanding among people that more than ever is needed, a real antidote to all fundamentalism.
In Rabat, the works interact with the magnificent spaces of the Villa des Arts, a complex of art-deco pavilions built in the s by Mustapha Alaoui and recently transformed into a center for contemporary art by the ONA Foundation. The relationship with the city of Rabat and the culture of the Moroccan capital makes the mention of the Byzantine tradition of the Senza Titolo by Gino De Dominicis gold background or the ironic reference to the Roman mythology in Lapsus Lupus by Luigi Ontani even stronger. A work by Liliana Moro closes the itinerary.
In the early XVIII century Italian Enlightenment philosopher Giambattista Vico stressed the centrality of culture in and for any intellectual venture, the natural sciences included. History repeats itself, but never in an identical fashion, adding new steps to the old ones, and never erasing any.
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Future Primitive takes on similar considerations and speculates on hybrid civilizations of trans-subjectivity where entropy paradigms manifest and devolute from ideologies of progress, going back to primitivism, ritualism and medieval superstition. Geological rhythms and deep time introduce alternative temporal forms based upon acceleration, recurrence and retroaction. Epic history becomes quasi-religious and radically atheist as strange narratives mix, interconnecting and fantasizing on past, present and future.
A time travel between fantasy peasant ecological sensibility and science fiction technological awareness leads to something yet un-discovered, or perhaps, something to be found again. Hallucinatory interchanges between human and its surrounding. A voyage in psychedelic caves. Christlicher Hellenismus. Model America. Americanisation of the Economy.
We The Italians | Pierpaolo Polzonetti (Writer)
US-Film in Europa. Model Classical Antiquity. Translatio Imperii im Moskauer Russland.
Kongregation von Saint-Maur. Idealisierung der Urkirche. Medizinische Humanisten. Galen-Rezeption Melanchthons. Roman Law and Reception. Model Europe. Homo Europaeus. Europa-Netzwerke der Zwischenkriegszeit. Concepts of Europe.
30 years of Slow Food, a nice Italian story
Model Germania. Model Italy. Banca, giro, storno. Wirtschaft und Landwirtschaft. Versailles Model.
Enlightenment Philosophy. This article tries to reveal the historical roots of the 'Model-Model': how was the question of the diffusion of Italian Renaissance and Baroque culture across Europe rooted in pre- and post-World War II historiography? What were the implicit and explicit assumptions underlying such a project between the s and the s? This leads to a discussion of how such a historical narrative can still be adopted today. Defining then a narrow concept of the "Italian Renaissance as Model", the article sketches what could be a History of the Italian Renaissance as model for and in Europe.
Therefore, instead of summarizing what already exists Braudel's book , this article will take a historiographical detour. I will try to reveal the historical roots of the 'Model-Model': how was the question of the diffusion of Italian Renaissance and Baroque culture across Europe rooted in pre- and post-World-War-II historiography? Part 2 brings us to a discussion of how such a historical narrative can still be adopted today.
The third section then defines a narrow concept of the "Italian Renaissance as Model". In part four, I will give a very short and rough sketch of what could be a History of the Italian Renaissance as model for and in Europe. Though he is not explicitly mentioned in the introduction to European History Online , it was Fernand Braudel who served as a starting point 1 for what was to be conceived as a range of articles dealing with "The Formation of Models and Stereotypes in Intercultural Transfer Processes".
Braudel's task in this work was not to write an overview of the Italian Renaissance or about Italian history from the late 15th to the 17th century as such, but with regard to the rest of Europe : what was Italy's impact on the rest of Europe?
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It seems that Braudel was inspired by that task and integrated it into his own life-long historical approach starting in the s. The repetition, if not identity, of thoughts, formulations and events makes the major problem evident. The "Baroque" was the central example of what were the somehow sublime cultural manifestations of "the Mediterranean" in the North. The major question and the answers are the same: when and how do civilizational or cultural entities interact?
The Mediterranean is "illuminating" the rest of Europe — England , France , the countries north of the Alps — just at the moment of its own decline, 9 just as Greek culture had illuminated late Republican and early imperial Rome , while being itself already dominated by the new Empire.
The Mediterranean ''culture'' would have influenced the Northern and Western cultures when they were taking over world domination during the global shift from a Mediterranean to an Atlantic power axis. There, in the final methodological part, Braudel first engages with Georges Gusdorf — and then relates a conversation in the Sorbonne with Georges Lefebvre — , the famous historian of the French Revolution La grande peur , during which Lefebvre had stated that probably "power and cultural radiation are two faces of one and the same phenomenon".
Historiographical research on Braudel took off right after his death. However, fewer efforts have been made to decipher the roots and the epistemological contexts of discussions in which Braudel was embedded when writing about cultural history as in our case. As Heinrich Lutz — maintained in , it is worth checking the footnotes of Braudel.
After his re-establishment in Paris , things certainly changed. The larger amount of recent books he digested from the s to the early s were works on cultural history he needed to "make himself expert of" Galileo, the Baroque question , being more of an economic historian by education. He never used a hermeneutical approach. Perhaps a similar approach to the humanists' writing would be the old-fashioned school of historicism as once inaugurated by Friedrich Meinecke — Some works were even rooted in fascist and the Volk -history tradition.
Braudel's question of the relationship between the "grandeur" of a civilization, nation or people and the processes of "radiation" is introduced from the first footnote on with reference to the pre- and inter-war discussion on similar questions, quoting Arthur de Gobineau's — idea that "every human society" has its decline and arguing that there can be "Renaissance s ". Started in , three years after Benito Mussolini's — [ ] invasion of Ethiopia , this multi-volume work traced the paths of Italian medieval and early modern "colonizers" Genovean , Venetian empires , 18 of Italian artists and engineers abroad.
This resonated therefore with Braudel's task still in the s to write a history of "Italy outside of Italy". This was a discourse ideologically vaguely shaped and it survived, somewhat easily, into s. In what we therefore might recognize as a Cold War narrative of "nations as Models", Braudel first needed to explain the specific "grandeur" of the Italian Renaissance. Without that superiority, no "Italian radiation" would have been possible. The Durkheimian division of labor as the base of modern societies is only possible by freeing smaller more specialized parts of a society from basic work done by a larger number of unspecialized parts.
The city and its social structure create the conditions for lifting the culture "according to the law of the pyramid". When it comes to the question of historical comparison, he continues to speak of "domination" and a dominating civilization in these contexts. A further question was that of the real seat of the alleged Renaissance culture, taking Florence as central example, and taking here Frederick Antal as guide. The reason why "Italian" Renaissance and style was implanted into Western and Northern European court culture, 31 the narrative of the "peak" of the urban culture that grew, could be linked with a post-Marxist narrative of a division of society in economically determined strata.
Combining that with the narrative of crisis helped to explain the movement of diffusion, so to say the spread of what was cut off at the peak of the homegrown development. The other, "Republican" and popular part of Renaissance culture and its spread, could be encapsulated by Braudel referring mostly to Music and the Commedia dell'arte actors that travelled through Europe, influencing the other European cultures, inaugurating emulation everywhere.
Among others, Braudel refers to Leonard Olschki, for whom "the music becomes [became] the only free and autonomous manifestation of the artistic life of the Italian people". He was interested in music as "dominating the Baroque, because it had dominated Italy before it governed the world" 32 Olschki, the important Polish-German art historian, immersed between and into Heidelberg intellectual life with Ernst Robert Curtius — , Heinrich Rickert — , Karl Jaspers — , Ernst Troeltsch — , Alfred Weber — and Max Weber — [ ] , and forced to emigrate from Rome to the US in because of his Jewish origins, was one of the best connaisseurs of medieval and Renaissance art specializing on early relationships between Italy and the Far East China.
For Olschki, in fact, music and comedy remained the only place where the Italian "spirit" attempting for "universal" dimensions remained vital after the Spanish and later Austrian domination suffocated the liberal spirits once alive in Renaissance times. The third major cultural form that Braudel addressed next to Renaissance culture and Baroque art, were the emerging sciences. Nevertheless, in the chapter on Galileo Galilei — , the only point for his own argument is to conceive of "science in Italy" as a question how to explain the apparently evident "decline of Italy" between the trial against Galilei and signs of early enlightenment.
Huge parts of the discussion about the developments from Aristotelian to early experimentalist views Padovan school , of the Italian accademia culture, of the interplay between engineering "tacit knowledge" craftsmanship, visual art and a culture of innovation as was discussed in parts of the literature on humanism and the Renaissance of his times, and more so today, do not find a real place in his narrative. All in all, the "content" of Renaissance and humanism remained underexposed and pale.
Braudel, just as Olschki, seems to have been convinced that, at least within the framework of Modern history, each civilization or nation has more or less only "one" moment of grandeur — perhaps also to avoid an unwilling copy of post-fascist Terza-Roma ideas Ancient Rome , Papal and Renaissance Rome , Mussolini's Rome.
For them, Modern World History or perhaps even the process that today we would call "globalization" in its skeptical perception of "losing" diversity and plurality, 35 was structured by a succession of leading civilizations or nations, something like an always ascending translatio imperii , from the Italian to the Spanish to the Dutch and French to the British to the American "moment" of reaching that grandeur that is necessary to be a "radiator".
Explicitly, Braudel denied that, in his own days of the s, neither Italy nor even France would be in possession of "grandeur". Perhaps and only perhaps Europe as a whole might count as such in the near future next to the US, but he sounds skeptical about that. How would we approach this today? A first reaction could be very negative: are we not going back, with the "Model x" narrative, behind all methodological post-Braudelian discussions during the s about cultural transfer, about prioritizing the point of view of the culture of reception instead of reifying the diffusionist regard for the "glorious" light spreading out from a Louis XIV — , a Jean-Jacques Rousseau — or a Machiavelli, illuminating other countries and cultures?
Is the story of the worldwide reception of Italian Pizza since the 19th century a less mighty one than the history of the reception of Machiavelli? Those differences are empirically fluid, hard to define and exist perhaps only at a given moment and in the perception and conviction of actors on one level and on a definitional level on the third observer's side. Speaking thus in general, it is not at all easy to decide if a volgare vernacular Italian humanist treatise by Machiavelli or Leon Battista Alberti — is "superior" to a late scholastic Latin treatise taught by Gabriel Biel — in Wittenberg University, both around The question remains, why and how, was there no significant Biel reception in Italy, 40 whereas in the long run Italian volgare humanist texts were received, re-Latinized in academic German-Latin contexts, and how around what was then taught in Wittenberg liberal arts faculties Politica , Ethica was a hitherto uncommon mix and amalgam of those forms unconnected and still disparate around ?
To use, as basically an early modernist, with a light smile, a certainly simplistic Ramistic scheme, I would propose to distinguish like that: During processes of communication, cultural items are perceived as either new or old. Nearly all of the examples mentioned above can be conceived as part of a history of reception. However, if Machiavelli, Giovanni Botero, Angelo Poliziano — Galilei, Scipione Ammirato — , Sandro Botticelli — , Michelangelo Buonarroti — or any other was received roughly between the Braudelian and , he was received as somehow "new" or at least as part of what is more or less present and helpful, usable in that present as a current part of it.
The historian might discover that it was not new that there are, for instance hidden Thomist transcripts in the alleged new message and so on. Vice versa, the humanists could just claim to revive antiquity — but their product as authors of revised texts and artefacts was new at that moment, and for the communication process itself, both forms of relativization are here of secondary importance. If the Loggia dei Lanzi was copied in 19th century Munich, it was consciously reproduced in a quasi pre-postmodern way of style imitation with a distinct historicist consciousness of how old that is.
It stood in the 19th century in a similar historico-cognitive distance from the Renaissance as stood antiquity to the 15th century Florentines. At the latest, when the historicist term of "Renaissance" was coined around the middle of the 19th century, it was not perceived as belonging to the observer's present time, it was old. Machiavelli was then a prototype of humanist vernacular lay culture of the years to , certainly not received as new in that moment.
For one, "the Prince" was the national state, 43 for Mussolini it was even the totalitarian state 44 , and for Gramsci, "the prince" was even the communist party. Perhaps one does good to define this a history of ideological re-use or ciphering. To close the circle: perhaps the first Renaissance belongs, in its non-antiquarian but ideological forms, itself to a form of ciphering antiquity through someone like Machiavelli just as he claimed to revive and to comment upon Livy 59 BC—AD Not everything should be called "a Model", thereby confusing reception history and all other forms of narratives, and not distinguishing between the different phenomena.
That Braudel could treat Galilei only as a part of his question about the duration of Italy as 'sending culture' and of Italy's decline — without looking into and interpreting the core of Galilei's scientific content itself, is telling. This leads methodologically to a slight form of tautology: on the one hand one reifies in the end a transhistorical concept of nation that one needs as frame for the whole story, on the other hand one wants to write a history of model s in given moments that would instead belong to a form of challenging such stable ideas of cultural and social units.
Clustered and organized according to the category of nations, this was the beginning of unnecessarily giving away much of its implicit critical potential if taking care of divided and shared memories, of transfers and movements of ideas, references and topoi beyond the borders of nationality. The concentration on a given period and on how cultural products were diffused and received "as new" seems therefore helpful to avoid some traps and complexities.
It stands for the epistemic moment of attractiveness, evidence, convincing, matching, for the acceptability within a process of diffusion. This is not far away from the discussion about the relationship between the first emergence of an innovation and the conditions of its diffusion, implying all the problems that exist if one enlarges the realm of objects from merely technical innovation to such things as styles , music , painting, ways of writing in general. This leads to the next point: While it would be difficult to define in absolute "the" core of the Italian Renaissance, one has to at least dare to enumerate a set of central elements and characteristics.
Only by that can one understand what was "the new" at the moment of its emergence even from the standpoint of a late observer. Thus the historian suggests what its attractiveness consisted of at the moment of its diffusion. One can always discuss the qualities of such a 'core' or deny — from a postcolonial or poststructural point of view on communication and hybridity — that 'a core exists at all'.
However, in doing so, one will not be able to describe and analyze epistemic movements and transfers. In the very end, such an approach would banish change, development, movement and therefore History from History, and what remains would be a 'frozen' cultural-ethnological description applicable without distinction to each time, place and society. This is an option for scholars in the broad field of cultural hermeneutics, but not an option for someone who wants to write a History of Models.
For me, at least one important element has always been the suggestion that new forms of primarily long-distance communication had effects on the epistemic level of perception of Renaissance men and women roughly between and The special mental world of writing down the spatial dimensions of the flows of commerce in merchant letters as known, for instance, from the Datini archives, 49 is such a link between an epistemic level and a materially new form of communication that was not possible before the first paper mill in Italy was established.
Thereby a second world of representation of the relevant economic world as a world of value flows, separated and somehow independent from the physicality of the goods themselves was created. A similar 'doubling' between physical world and a stabilized form of representing the world's present state — not in terms of values, but in terms of actors and parameters that matter in the political sphere — emerged in the realm of political communication.
The infrastructural cause for that epistemic change was the establishment of a reliable postal relay system since ca.
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This form of communication triggered and substantially changed the form of observing: everyone observed the other as individual actor on a field or in a sphere which was represented in the thousands of dispacci , letters and then avvisi that were exchanged in a given rhythm of ambassadorial correspondence between the courts and cities. The same is true for the economic world, though, unfortunately, due to far less stable situations of archival transmission. Likewise, political communication was ordered in each court's or signoria's chancery roughly regarding the place of origin, after the establishment of residential agents or ambassadors.
One can try to define deeper and more precisely the changes of perception linked to that shift with regard to the form of writing and the narratives produced themselves Temporalities change, the whole famous idea that humanists "created" a new way of historical consciousness can be translated into the thesis that the way of newsletter communication and writing changed, first of all, the perception of the present contemporaneity, Gegenwartshorizont.
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