New Haven , Conn. Dunn, John, ed. Democracy: The Unfinished Journey, b. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Finley, Moses I. Democracy Ancient and Modern. New Brunswick , N. Fontana, Biancamaria, ed. The Invention of the Modern Republic. Hazard, Paul. European Thought in the Eighteenth Century. Translated by J. Lewis May. Held, David. Models of Democracy.
Stanford, Calif. Palmer, Robert R. The Age of the Democratic Revolution. Princeton, N. Pateman, Carole. Participation and Democratic Theory. Rahe, Paul A. Republics Ancient and Modern. Rowe, Christopher, and Malcolm Schofield, eds. Sartori, Giovanni. The Theory of Democracy Revisited. Chatham , N.
Skinner, Quentin. Foundations of Modern Political Thought.
Inventing Leadership: The Challenge of Democracy - PDF Free Download
Democracy is a concept that means different things to different people. For some it is a political system that ensures political equality and self-rule. To others, it is a system that allows the presence of equal opportunities and rights. The two different conceptualizations of democracy are based on the experiences of the two major democratic experiments that the world has seen so far: democracies in classical Greece and modern nation-states. The classical model of democracy draws its inspiration from the democratic experiments of ancient Greek city-states.
In such an arrangement, citizens were both the rulers and the ruled; political sovereignty and power rested with the people. Each individual citizen had a right and an obligation to serve in administrative duties. Citizens were politically active. Women, slaves, and immigrants were, however, excluded from political participation.
The small size of the cities allowed citizens to meet face to face and make direct deliberations and decisions on various issues. There are at least two problems with the classical democratic arrangement: first, it is applicable more to small city-states than to modern nation-states. Face-to-face political participation and deliberations are easier to conduct in small communities.
Modern democracies are established in much larger nation-states, making a representative form of government a necessity. Second, the conditions under which political equality is possible are not spelled out; it is simply asserted as a self-evident truth. There is no strong consensus among citizens and scholars in such an assertion. Indeed, some argue that individual liberty, which is promoted in modern democracies, makes some form of inequality inevitable.
Although there is no consensus, many scholars would agree that democracy in modern nation-states means the presence of political rights and civil liberties. Political rights include the right to vote, the right to run for office, and the presence of fair and free electoral competition; civil liberties include the presence of due process, freedom of speech and assembly, and equality before the law. Democracy, however, even as a procedural concept, is much more than the mere occurrence of elections and liberties.
For instance, the presence of a majoritarian decision-making or voting mechanism, often overlooked and taken for granted, is an essential procedure in the democratic process. Elected and, in some cases, appointed representatives and officials utilize the simple majority rule as a minimum requirement for the passage of laws, judicial decisions, and administrative policies; a majority voting system is commonly used to resolve major issues, including difficult and divisive ones, by legislation or judicial interpretation. Thus, democracy may be defined as the presence of fair and free elections, civil liberties, and a majoritarian decision-making procedure.
Nevertheless, not all scholars would agree with such a procedural definition. For instance, it does not fully account for the variation in the distribution of political power or influence among citizens. In other words, why is it that some citizens can exert more influence on political leaders than do others?
Why do some individuals have a better chance of becoming a president or a member of parliament than others do? Compared to other older forms of political systems, such as autocracy, modern democracy is a relatively new phenomenon. James Bryce noted that in the early nineteenth century only Switzerland had a working democracy in Europe. Great Britain had greater freedom than any other nation on the European continent, but its government was still oligarchic.
By , however, Bryce observed that almost all the monarchies of Europe had become democracies. He counted twenty new democratic countries in the Western Hemisphere, and five more among the British colonies. Outside Europe, the United States , which is considered as the oldest democracy, had ratified its constitution in Thus, it is fair to assume that modern democracy is perhaps a consequence of the modern period, mainly of the Industrial Revolution and the Enlightenment.
More often than not, those who had property voted. Mass democracy was possible only after the spread of mass literacy and the spread of wealth to a significant number of individuals. In other words, the conditions under which democracy has arisen would, among other things, seem to be an increased level of education and economic development.
Seymour M. Lipset , following Aristotle , argues that socioeconomic development leads to educated citizenry and a large middle class. An educated citizenry and a large middle class seem to be the social foundations of modern democracy. Socioeconomic development, however, may not be the only factor that accounts for the presence of democracy. The political process, particularly political leadership, and external factors are two other possible variables.
In the latter part of the eighteenth century the United States was not, for instance, a developed country. In the absence of a developed economy the framers of the U. Constitution were able to establish a political system that would become one of the most stable democracies in the world. To be sure, the architects of the U. Constitution, such as James Madison , were themselves influenced by the evolution of European political thought and by the level of education they had received.
Still, not all leaders in all countries attempted to establish a freer system of governance at the time. This was a choice made by the framers. Thus, it is fair to contend that the framers of the U. Constitution have contributed to the emergence and development of democracy in the United States. Democracy, once emerged in countries such as the United States, has found its way to other parts of the world.
For instance, one of the legacies of European colonialism was the spread of modern democratic institutions in some of the former colonies. Former British colonies like India , Botswana , Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago have maintained democratic rule since independence. Given that not all former British colonies have maintained democracy, however, it was perhaps a mixture of this legacy and a democratically predisposed indigenous leadership that have helped maintain democratic rule in these countries.
Leaders like Seretse Khama of Botswana and Jawaharlal Nehru of India were predisposed to democracy. Democracy is a complex political system. It requires give-and-take compromises when issues are debated and decisions are made. Political leaders and their constituents must consistently, and often painfully, compromise their political and economic interests with others. A decision by one branch of government is often checked and balanced by the others. Despite the foregoing inconveniences, democracy is perhaps the only known political system that can provide individuals with the right to be treated equally before the law, the right to vote, and the right to own personal property.
Other autocratic systems, such as monarchy, theocracy, and communism, have not adequately done so in the past and are not logically expected to do so in the future. Democracy has, however, its variants, the most important ones being liberal democracy and social democracy. Although these variants adhere to the fundamental principles of democracy, including the presence of fair and free elections and civil liberties, they seem to have distinct socioeconomic principles.
While liberal democracy stresses the importance of individuals as the deciding force of their own economic opportunities, social democracy seems to emphasize the role of the public in promoting social equity. More specifically, liberal democracy is grounded on the principle that individuals must, with little or no societal and government encroachments, be free to possess personal property and pursue their own economic interests. While such a system may bring affluence to most of the people, some individuals will probably become less successful or remain poor.
By contrast, social democracy assumes that the market economic system cannot by itself evenly promote the economic interests of every individual; hence, society and government are expected to contribute to the socioeconomic well-being and advancement of the poor. The United States and Sweden may be considered as examples of the former and the latter, respectively. Such differences in economic policy cannot be exaggerated, however. In practice, even liberal democracies attempt to support the poorer segment of society and the variation in the level of such a support between the two variants seems to be only a matter of degree.
Indeed, global economic competition and electoral politics seem to have tempered the different approach that the two variants of democracy have followed. Relatively higher taxation policies, as seen in social democracies, will quite likely hamper the competitiveness of corporations. Similarly, liberal democracies may have to increase their support to the poor because not doing so will probably not be favored by most people. A convergence of the two variants is apt to be inevitable. Once countries transition to democratic rule, the next logical step is to stabilize such a system.
Again, the stability of the new democracies seems to rest, among other things, on continuous socioeconomic development. Nevertheless, the cases of India and Botswana suggest that poor democracies can become stable if they have good leadership and promote socioeconomic development. While continuous socioeconomic development may promote social mobility and affluence, good leadership tends to serve as an arbitrator for the presence of fair distribution of societal interests.
By far, the most important role of democratic governments for promoting democracy has been public expenditures and investments in education, particularly in the education of impoverished children. Thus, the political process, including good political leadership and interest group politics, and continuous economic development continue to be two of the most important factors for the consolidation of democracy.
But is the democratic process static or dynamic? One can consider the cases of Sweden and Mali , for instance. While the former has been democratic since the early twentieth century, the latter has been so only since the s. Can one logically assume that these two countries have an equal level of democracy? According to major democracy indices such as the Freedom House and Polity IV, the answer is, more or less, yes. Still, older democracies, particularly those in industrial countries, tend to have a higher quality of democracy than younger ones.
While the basic attributes of democracy, such as fair and free electoral competition, civil liberties, and a majoritar-ian decision-making procedure, may be more or less present in both cases, the distribution of power among citizens in the two societies is quite different. Citizens in the older industrial democracies are more affluent and highly educated; as a result, they may have a greater chance of running for and winning elections for public offices and influencing public policies. Income and education resources would lead to political influence.
If the income among citizens is unequal, how can they be politically equal? And because higher levels of affluence and educational achievement are a function of time, it follows that the diffusion of power or a higher level of democracy is likely to be dynamic. Thus, the effect of socioeconomic development and good leadership after the transition to democracy may not merely be to maintain democracy but also to keep it evolving. Nevertheless, some scholars consider political systems as autonomous and static; that is, political systems are either autocracies or democracies.
Others contend that political systems may be defined as trichotomous. These latter scholars can see at least a classification of political systems as autocracies, semi- or transitional democracies, and established democracies. A third group of scholars posit that democracy is a continuous concept. When scholars argue that democracy is continuous, they usually and mainly refer to the political process that occurs between autocratic rule and democratic transition.
Dahl suggests that democratic development could go beyond the autocracy-democratic transition continuum and argues that current democracies or polyarchies are only an approximation of the ideal democracy. The main reason that no perfect democracy exists, according to Dahl, is the presence of income inequality. Thus, to speed up the establishment of a more equal democratic system, Dahl prescribes for the replacement of the current private enterprise economy by a system that allows employee-ownership of firms.
He seems to imply that some form of political agreement and action would bring about political equality. Indeed, the failures of ancient Greek democracies and twentieth-century communism can be partly explained by the absence of, or impediment to, economic liberty in these systems. What followed in these systems was political instability and economic inefficiency, leading to the demise of both political experiments.
If democracy ensures economic and political freedoms and if such a process is also dynamic, it follows that the concept of democracy has to be defined accordingly. Gizachew Tiruneh posits that the distribution of power among individuals must be considered when one rates or defines democracies. He contends that the procedural attributes of democracy, such as electoral competition, civil liberties, and a majoritarian decision-making procedure, are fundamental but once achieved they cannot be adequately used to differentiate the level of democracy among democracies. Power differences, according to Tiruneh, stem from differences in the level of income and rationality among individuals.
And because individual achievement and competition are protected rights in democracies, some individuals are likely to become more successful than others. The more income an individual has, the more influence or political power he or she will possess. Assuming that the distribution of income itself is dynamic being propelled by socioeconomic development , the diffusion of power or the level of democracy will quite likely increase over time.
However, because not all individuals will have the same level of income and rationality, perfect political equality may not necessarily be achieved. Thus, perfect political equality may, similar to the perfect competition argument in economics, be considered as a political ideal on which modern democracies may be judged. Rather than considering democracy as two separate phenomena, a political ideal and a political system, one may consider it as a single, open-ended perhaps an infinite process. A more achievable and optimal level of democracy, according to Tiruneh, occurs when the distribution of power, including income and rationality, among citizens takes the shape of a normal or bell curve.
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Modern industrial democracies have, in contrast, a skewed distribution of power and income and rationality , where the mean or average citizen lies to right of center. In other words, the distribution of power, income, and rationality in modern democracies are skewed toward the upper classes. As the level of democracy increases over time, however, the mean citizen would gravitate to the center of the normal curve where the preponderant majority or the middle class is located , and it would have the most decisive voice and power in democratic politics.
Whereas those individuals to the right of the mean will in theory have more power than those to the left of the mean, and it is likely that most leaders may come out of the former group, the political agendas and policies of leaders will probably be dictated by the preferences of the mean citizen. The normal or bell-curve distribution of power would represent a democratic system the quality or degree of which is apt to be optimal. He terms such a state of political evolution as normal democracy.
For instance, they may contend that democracies, after transition, will remain stabilized; that is, democracies after transition will not continuously evolve. Others may, on philosophical or moral grounds, contend that, regardless of levels of income and rationality, citizens ought to possess an equal distribution of power. What is clear is that until most or all scholars agree on a more acceptable definition of democracy, an understanding of the concept will remain incomplete. Bryce, James. Modern Democracies. Collier, David, and Robert Adcock.
Annual Review of Political Science 2: — Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition. A Preface to Economic Democracy. Berkeley: University of California Press. Friedman, Milton. Capitalism and Freedom. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Gastil, Raymond D. Alex Inkeles. Some Social Requisites of Democracy.
American Political Science Review 53 1 : 69 — Przeworski, Adam, and Fernando Limongi. Modernization: Theories and Facts. World Politics 49 2 : — David L. Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy , 5th ed. London: Allen and Unwin. Tiruneh, Gizachew. Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies 29 4 : — It was understood by the ancients as the direct participation of the citizen body in the government of the political community. The political and social institutions that originally gave rise to democracy both as a form of government and as a tool of political analysis soon died out, but democracy as an idea or an ideal persisted in various permutations through the survival or recovery of classical political thought.
In the classical and conventional typology of constitutions or forms of government, as in Aristotle — b. There are three legitimate forms of rule: monarchy, aristocracy, and polity — the rule of one, the few, or the many in the public interest.
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The corresponding illegitimate forms are tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy — the rule of one, the few, or the many in their own interest. Thus, democracy originally was understood as government conducted in the interest of the poor rather than in the public interest. Democracy did not shed these negative class incrustations until late in the nineteenth century, when it came increasingly to be equated with representative and liberal constitutional government.
The feudal and monarchical structures of the medieval West reinforced this tradition. Yet three major historical movements signaled the disintegration of the traditional order, and spawned new political ideas that, although not in themselves democratic, led to the rise of democracy.
The first are the Renaissance , the Protestant especially Puritan Reformation, and the Enlightenment ; the latter are republicanism and social contract theory. The rise of the Italian city-states brought a radical change in political practice and political theory. Popular political institutions emerged, and government by the people was shown to be possible and desirable. These city-states, and the political thought they produced, contributed significantly to the history of modern democratic thought and practice. A renewal of interest in ancient history and culture, especially in historians such as Polybius c.
For the first time since the ancients, arguments in favor of popular rule were articulated.
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His thought links popular government, political liberty, and civic and political equality with the socioeconomic health and military strength of the body politic. Government by the people is deemed necessary to the pursuit of the public interest, and the other governmental forms are therefore seen as inferior. Machiavelli is thus a watershed in the history of democratic theory and practice. As such, his thought was mined by subsequent thinkers such as James Harrington — , Charles-Louis de Secondat de Montesquieu — , and Jean-Jacques Rousseau — New attitudes.
The waning of the Middle Ages , the Protestant Reformation, the dissolution of feudal ties, and the disintegration of a unified religious view, along with profound economic change and painful social dislocations, led to new attitudes, both in the way people perceived themselves and in the way they saw politics and society. The increase in knowledge and wealth, and the spread of literacy and printing, contributed to rapid political and social transformation. The English Civil War and the Glorious Revolution signaled the rise and growing importance of these new attitudes.
The execution and deposition of kings exploded the traditional belief in the passive acceptance of political power, showing that the basis for that power is human will and action. Major political theorists such as Thomas Hobbes — , Hugo Grotius — , Samuel von Pufendorf — , and John Locke — responded to these economic, political, and intellectual changes by redefining and redirecting traditional ideas of natural law , human nature, and government.
Hobbes in particular, with his absolute individualism and radical skepticism, expresses the breakdown of traditional forms of community and legitimate government, and their reconstitution by human reason and will. Contemporary with Hobbes and with the Puritan revolution there developed in Britain a pamphlet literature in which some authors articulated definite arguments for democratic ideas. Chief among these were the Levellers, whose leader, John Lilburne c. The Levellers developed the first truly modern conception of democratic government, proposing such ideas as universal manhood suffrage, equal representation of electoral districts, equality under law, freedom of expression, and biannual election of Parliaments.
English republicanism, as enunciated by James Harrington , John Milton — , and Algernon Sidney — , also looked to the sovereignty of the people to ensure the public interest. Although not strictly democratic, it was concerned with electoral and political devices that later democrats addressed. Dutch republicanism contributed significant strands to democratic thought and practice. Spinoza and the de la Courts believed that a more or less democratic system would enable individuals to obey the will of the government and at the same time obey their own will, which in a democratic system is an element of the government's will.
Spinoza, especially, thought that of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy, the last was the most natural as well as the most rational. English political thought, whether republican or contractualist, was much more concerned with individual rights than with the rights of the sovereign. Even Hobbes, who obligated the individual to obey an absolute sovereign, nevertheless recognized the absolute and sovereign rights of the individual in the natural state.
It was John Locke , though, who integrated the rights of the individual in civil society with the power of the sovereign. His notion of government as a popular trust placed supreme power with a legislature representative of the people, who never alienated their right to change the constitution.
Natural right, contract, and political obligation were important ideas; yet they were not necessarily democratic. Most early modern thinkers defined the notion of the people quite narrowly. But they did offer a defense of legislative supremacy, mixed government, and constitutionalism against the traditional and paternalistic claims of absolute monarchy. In France , Montesquieu combined English ideas of mixed government and parliamentary rights with republican and Machiavellian ideas of the balanced constitution to criticize the despotic tendencies of the French monarchy.
The classical sixfold classification of governments he reduced to three: despotism, monarchy, and republic. The latter, in a manner reminiscent of Florentine republican ideas, he further subdivided into aristocratic and democratic. Montesquieu's theory of despotism and his doctrine of the separation of powers were important influences on liberal constitutionalism and on the theory of limited government, but his preferences for limited monarchy and aristocratic government made his ideas undemocratic.
The Enlightenment , with its emphasis on human rationality and the efficacy of scientific inquiry, and with its belief in the human capacity for growth or what Condorcet and Rousseau call "perfectibility" , undermined the religious, cultural, and customary underpinnings of the social and political order. Voltaire — and Denis Diderot — in France, like David Hume — and Jeremy Bentham — in Britain, explored the human and temporal bases of governmental power.
The freedom of thought and expression so necessary for cultural, scientific, and moral development was intimately interwoven with political and civil liberties. In France especially these ideas constituted a thoroughgoing critique of church and state. These thinkers prepared the ground for democracy's future emergence as an actual system of government. It was Rousseau, product and critic of the Enlightenment, who took the disparate ideas of both the ancients and the moderns Plato and Aristotle, Roman writers, Machiavelli, Locke, Montesquieu and made a truly original contribution to democratic theory.
Rousseau's thought weds the ancients' concern with the primacy of political activity to the moderns' emphasis on political sociology. Humanity is defined by its capacity for liberty, and liberty means to be the author of one's actions. Thus, in Rousseau, liberty and equality presuppose each other, such that the people, when they come together as the sovereign body, look to the general and common interest of the community. The people acting together as equals in the pursuit of the public good generate the general will. Liberty, equality, and popular sovereignty are embodied in the citizen body as it makes laws for itself through the general will.
By returning to the ancient polis, in which the public sphere is the realm of liberty, and in which equal citizens form an indivisible community, Rousseau formulated a novel theory of democracy. It established the conditions that would, with the American and the French Revolutions, make possible the birth of the modern. It germinated and brought together ways of thinking and acting that would later form modern democracy.
Ideas such as legislative supremacy, representation, constitutionalism, majority rule, and liberty and equality as indefeasible political rights were elaborated during this critical stage of European history. As a result, the basis of political legitimacy was radically transformed: all political power must issue, or appear to issue, from the people. Machiavelli and Republicanism. Provides interesting and informative essays on Machiavelli, his forerunners and contemporaries, and on his influence on English and Dutch republicanism. A comprehensive history on all aspects of political thought.
New Haven , An analysis of democratic thought and practice. Democracy: The Unfinished Journey, B. Oxford, A number of theorists such as Quentin Skinner, John Dunn, and David Wootton offer interesting analyses of democracy from the ancient Athenians to the present. Graubard, Stephen R. New York , A good survey and discussion of democratic thought and practice since classical antiquity. London, A good discussion of Enlightenment thought. Pagden, Anthony, ed. A series of essays on the political and intellectual changes in early modern Europe.
Riley, Patrick, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Rousseau. Number of essays on various aspects of Rousseau's thought. Provides both an analytical and historical discussion of various theories of democracy. The Foundations of Modern Political Thought. An electoral system is a set of institutional formulas producing a collective choice through voting.
The main elements of an electoral system are: assembly size or total number of seats; district magnitude or number of seats to be elected in a district; the electoral rule to allocate seats from votes; and the ballot permitting the voter different choices. Different rules and procedures have combined these elements in many ways to produce a variety of electoral systems in the real world.
In late medieval and early modern assembly elections in local communities with homogeneous electorates, relatively simple electoral systems prevailed. A typical system until the nineteenth century was composed of: 1 multi-member districts; 2 plurality or majority rule; and 3 an open ballot. Essentially, voters could vote for their preferred individual candidates, and those with the higher numbers of votes were elected. This type of electoral system can produce a consensual individual representation of the community, especially in contexts of high economic and ethnic homogeneity in which it is relatively easy to identify common interests and select collective goods.
However, in contexts of relatively complex and heterogeneous electorates, simple electoral rules create incentives for the coordination of candidacies and voting. Forming a list of candidates, a faction, or, in more modern terms, a party , may move voters to vote en bloc rather than for individuals weighed separately.
In multimember districts using plurality rule, voting en bloc or the general ticket may produce a party sweep or overrepresentation by a single party. Once partisan candidacies and partisan voting emerged in a number of countries by the mid-nineteenth century, some political leaders, activists, and politically motivated scholars began to search for new electoral rules and procedures that could reduce single-party sweeps and exclusionary victories.
The two main options were either retaining plurality or majority rule but in smaller single-member districts , or retaining multi-member districts but using new proportional representation rules. In a small single-member district, a candidate that would have been defeated by a party sweep in a larger multimember district may be elected. Thus, this type of system tends to produce more varied representation than the old system with voting en bloc. Several majoritarian rules can be applied.
With simple plurality, the winner is the candidate supported by only a relative majority , that is, by a higher number of voters than any other candidate but not requiring any particular number, proportion, or threshold of votes. But this might also lead one to conclude that populists live in a kind of political fantasy world and hence are bound to fail in practice.
Conventional wisdom has it that populist parties are primarily protest parties and that protest cannot govern, since, logically, one cannot protest against oneself: anti-politics cannot generate real policies. The notion that populists in power are bound to fail one way or another is comforting. For one thing, while populist parties necessarily protest against elites, this does not mean that populism in government will become self-contradictory.
All failures of populists in government can still be blamed on elites acting behind the scenes, whether at home or abroad. Many populist victors continue to behave like victims; majorities act like mistreated minorities. More worryingly still: when populists have sufficiently large majorities in parliament, they try to build regimes that might still look like democracies, but are actually designed to perpetuate the power of the populists as supposedly the only authentic representatives of the people.
Think of Hungary and Poland as recent examples. Media authorities were captured; the signal went out that journalists should not report in ways that violate the interests of the nation which were equated with the interests of the governing party. Such a strategy to consolidate or even perpetuate power is not exclusive to populists, of course. What is special about populists is that they can undertake such state colonisation openly: why, populists can ask indignantly, should the people not take possession of their state through their only rightful representatives?
Why should those who obstruct the genuine popular will in the name of civil service neutrality not be purged? Populists also engage in the exchange of material and immaterial favours for mass support. Some populists have been lucky to have the resources to build up entire classes to support their regimes. For regimes in central and eastern Europe, funds from the European Union have been the equivalent of oil to some Arab authoritarian states: governments can strategically employ the subsidies to buy support or at least keep citizens quiet.
There is one further element of populist statecraft that is important to understand. Populists in power tend to be harsh to say the least with non-governmental organisations that criticise them. Again, harassing civil society is not a practice exclusive to populists. But for them opposition from within civil society creates a particular symbolic problem: it potentially undermines their claim to exclusive moral representation. In a sense, they try to make the unified people in whose name they had been speaking all along a reality on the ground: by silencing or discrediting those who refuse their representative claim and, sometimes, by giving them every incentive to exit the country and thereby to separate themselves from the pure people; , Hungarians have left in recent years.
Thus, a PiS government or Fidesz government will not only create a PiS state or a Fidesz state — it will also seek to bring into existence a PiS people and a Fidesz people. Deep philosophic views Modern management system: Does it really promote human creativity? Police and Human rights violation: A problem of the ' Power-State'? Why reinventing democracy a dire need of the age?
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