Gaus and Chandran Kukathas. SAGE Knowledge. Have you created a personal profile? Login or create a profile so that you can create alerts and save clips, playlists, and searches. Please log in from an authenticated institution or log into your member profile to access the email feature. Early feminist perspectives within political science have tended to focus primarily on issues such as gender differentials in political representation and participation.
Feminist critiques of mainstream political theory have been slower to develop. This could be explained by the dominance of universalistic liberal thought, especially within the Anglo-Saxon, German and French traditions, which leaves little theoretical space for the conceptualization of identity differences. The past two decades however have seen the development of an extensive feminist perspective within political theory, which has set out to rethink fundamental issues such as the nature of power, the boundaries of the political, and the democratization of citizenship and the public sphere.
CQ Press Your definitive resource for politics, policy and people. Remember me? Martha Nussbaum , expanded on the model with a more complete list of central capabilities including life, health, bodily integrity, thought, and more. Central to feminist economics is a different approach to the "family" and "household.
Gary Becker and new home economists introduced the study of "the family" to traditional economics, which usually assumes the family is a single, altruistic unit among which money is distributed equally. Others have concluded that an optimal distribution of commodities and provisions takes place within the family as a result of which they view families in the same manner as individuals.
Specifically, feminist economists move beyond unitary household models and game theory to show the diversity of household experiences. For example, Bina Agarwal and others have critiqued the mainstream model and helped provide a better understanding of intra-household bargaining power. Amartya Sen shows how social norms that devalue women's unpaid work in the household often disadvantage women in intra-household bargaining.
These feminist economists argue that such claims have important economic outcomes which must be recognized within economic frameworks. Feminist economists join the UN and others in acknowledging care work , as a kind of work which includes all tasks involving caregiving , as central to economic development and human well-being. They argue that traditional analysis of economics often ignores the value of household unpaid work. Feminist economists have argued that unpaid domestic work is as valuable as paid work, so measures of economic success should include unpaid work.
They have shown that women are disproportionately responsible for performing such care work. Sabine O'Hara argues that care is the basis for all economic activity and market economies , concluding that "everything needs care," not only people, but animals and things. She highlights the sustaining nature of care services offered outwith the formal economy. Riane Eisler claims we need the economic system, that gives the visibility to the most essential human work, that is caring for people and caring for nature.
Measuring GDP only includes productive work and leaves out the live sustaining activities of the three sectors: the household economy, the natural economy and the volunteer community economy. In those sectors most of the care work is done. By changing existing economic indicators in a way that they would measure also the contribution of mentioned three sectors we can get the accurate reflection of the reality.
She names proposed indicators social wealth indicators. According to her those indicators will show the enormous return on investment ROI in caring for people and nature. Psychological studies have shown when people feel good, and they feel good when they feel cared for, they are more productive and more creative example case study . In general, positive feelings flourish. The quality of human capital rises.
Most nations not only fail to support the care work that is still predominantly done by women, but we live in the world with gendered system of values. Everything that is associated with women or femininity is devalued or even marginalised. We need to leave behind the gender double standard that devaluates caring. Only then we can shift from domination to partnership and create a new economic model that Eisler proposes in her book The Real Wealth of Nations: Creating a Caring Economics.
Contributions of people and of nature present the real wealth of the society and our economic policies and practices must support caring for both she claims. Feminist economists have also highlighted power and inequality issues within families and households. For example, Randy Albelda shows that responsibility for care work influences the time poverty experienced by single mothers in the United States.
While much care work is performed in the home, it may also be done for pay. As such, feminist economics examine its implications, including the increasing involvement of women in paid care work, the potential for exploitation, and effects on the lives of care workers. Systemic study of the ways women's work is measured, or not measured at all, have been undertaken by Marilyn Waring see If Women Counted and others in the s and s. These studies began to justify different means of determining value — some of which influenced the theory of social capital and individual capital , that emerged in the late s and, along with ecological economics , influenced modern human development theory.
See also the entry on Gender and Social Capital. Unpaid work can include domestic work , care work , subsistence work, unpaid market labor and voluntary work. There is no clear consensus on the definition of these categories. But broadly speaking, these kinds of work can be seen as contributing to the reproduction of society. Domestic work is maintenance of the home, and is usually universally recognizable, e. Care work is looking "after a relative or friend who needs support because of age, physical or learning disability, or illness, including mental illness;" this also includes raising children.
Subsistence work is work done in order to meet basic needs, such as collecting water, but does not have market values assigned to it. Although some of these efforts "are categorized as productive activities according to the latest revision of the international System of National Accounts SNA The SNA recognizes that unpaid work is an area of interest, but "unpaid household services are excluded from [its] production boundary. Even accounting measures intended to recognize gender disparities are criticized for ignoring unpaid work.
In more recent years there has been increasing attention to this issue, such as recognition of unpaid work within SNA reports and a commitment by the UN to the measurement and valuation of unpaid work, emphasizing care work done by women. The method most widely used to measure unpaid work is gathering information on time use , which has "been implemented by at least 20 developing countries and more are underway" as of Techniques to gather this data include surveys, in-depth interviews, diaries, and participant observation.
The first problem of measuring unpaid work is the issue of collecting accurate information. This is always a concern in research studies, but is particularly difficult when evaluating unpaid work. But it is not always, and as a result some studies may undervalue the amount of certain types of unpaid work. Participant observation has been criticized for being "so time-consuming that it can only focus on small numbers of households," and thus limited in the amount of information it can be used to gather. All data gathering involves difficulties with the potential inaccuracy of research subjects' reports.
For instance, when "people doing domestic labor have no reason to pay close attention to the amount of time tasks take Men and women may both put in the same amount of time being responsible for children but as participant observation studies have shown, many men are more likely to 'babysit' their children while doing something for themselves, such as watching TV. Men's standards of care may be limited to ensuring the children are not hurt. Dirty diapers may be ignored or deliberately left until the mother returns. A second problem is the difficulty of comparisons across cultures.
People still tend to talk about work and home as if they were separate spheres. Housewife, home manager, homemaker are all problematic and none of them conveys the sense of a women who juggles both domestic labor and paid employment. A third problem is the complexity of domestic labor and the issues of separating unpaid work categories. Time use studies now take multitasking issues into account, separating primary and secondary activities. However, not all studies do this, and even those that do may not take into account "the fact that frequently several tasks are done simultaneously, that tasks overlap, and that the boundaries between work and relationships are often unclear.
How does a woman determine her primary activity when she is preparing dinner while putting the laundry away, making coffee for her spouse, having coffee and chatting with him, and attending to the children? Feminist economists point out three main ways of determining the value of unpaid work: the opportunity cost method, replacement cost method, and input-output cost method. The opportunity cost method "uses the wage a person would earn in the market" to see how much value their labor-time has.
The second method of valuation uses replacement costs. In simple terms, this is done by measuring the amount of money a third-party would make for doing the same work if it was part of the market. In other words, the value of a person cleaning the house in an hour is the same as the hourly wage for a maid. Within this method there are two approaches: the first is a generalist replacement cost method, which examines if "it would be possible, for example, to take the wage of a general domestic worker who could perform a variety of tasks including childcare".
The third method is the input-output cost method. This looks at both the costs of inputs and includes any value added by the household. This remainder represents the value of the other factors of production, primarily labor. One criticism of time valuation concerns the choice of monetary levels. How should unpaid work be valued when more than one activity is being performed or more than one output is produced? Another issue concerns differences in quality between market and household products. Some feminist economists take issue with using the market system to determine values for a variety of reasons: it may lead to the conclusion that the market provides perfect substitutes for non-market work;  the wage produced in the market for services may not accurately reflect the actual opportunity cost of time spent in household production;  and the wages used in valuation methods come from industries where wages are already depressed because of gender inequalities, and so will not accurately value unpaid work.
With this basic assumption underlying their calculations, the valuations produced serve to reinforce gender inequalities rather than challenge women's subordination. Criticisms are leveled against each method of valuation. The opportunity cost method "depends on the lost earnings of the worker so that a toilet cleaned by a lawyer has much greater value than one cleaned by a janitor", which means that the value varies too drastically.
The replacement cost method also has its critics. What types of jobs should be used as substitutes? For example, should childcare activities "be calculated using the wages of daycare workers or child psychiatrists? Some have argued that education levels ought to be comparable, for example, "the value of time that a college-educated parent spends reading aloud to a child should be ascertained by asking how much it would cost to hire a college-educated worker to do the same, not by an average housekeeper's wage. Critiques against the input-output methods include the difficulty of identifying and measuring household outputs, and the issues of variation of households and these effects.
In , a wide-ranging study was conducted to determine the amount of unpaid household work engaged in by residents of different countries. This study, incorporating the results of time-use surveys from 26 OECD countries, found that, in each country, the average hours spent per day on unpaid household work was between about 2 to 4 hours per day.
One study found that, when adding the time spent on unpaid household work to the time spent engaging in paid work, married mothers accumulate 84 hours of work per week, compared to 79 hours per week for unmarried mothers, and 72 hours per week for all fathers, whether married or not. Efforts to calculate the true economic value of unpaid work, which is not included in measures such as gross domestic product , have shown that this value is enormous. Research into the causes and consequences of occupational segregation , the gender pay gap , and the " glass ceiling " have been a significant part of feminist economics.
While conventional neoclassical economic theories of the s and s explained these as the result of free choices made by women and men who simply had different abilities or preferences, feminist economists pointed out the important roles played by stereotyping , sexism , patriarchal beliefs and institutions, sexual harassment , and discrimination. Women moved in large numbers into previous male bastions — especially professions like medicine and law — during the last decades of the 20th century.
The gender pay gap remains and is shrinking more slowly. Figart have examined the gender pay gap and found that wage setting procedures are not primarily driven by market forces, but instead by the power of actors, cultural understandings of the value of work and what constitutes a proper living, and social gender norms.
While overt employment discrimination by sex remains a concern of feminist economists, in recent years more attention has been paid to discrimination against caregivers —those women, and some men, who give hands-on care to children or sick or elderly friends or relatives.
Feminists and State Welfare (RLE Feminist Theory)
Because many business and government policies were designed to accommodate the "ideal worker" that is, the traditional male worker who had no such responsibilities rather than caregiver-workers, inefficient and inequitable treatment has resulted. Feminist economists' work on globalization is diverse and multifaceted. But much of it is tied together through detailed and nuanced studies of the ways in which globalization affects women in particular and how these effects relate to socially just outcomes.
Often country case studies are used for these data. Alternatively, Suzanne Bergeron , for example, raises examples of studies that illustrate the multifaceted effects of globalization on women, including Kumudhini Rosa's study of Sri Lankan , Malaysian , and Philippine , workers in free trade zones as an example of local resistance to globalization.
Such efforts, Bergeron highlights, allow women the chance to take control of economic conditions, increase their sense of individualism, and alter the pace and direction of globalization itself. In other cases, feminist economists work on removing gender biases from the theoretical bases of globalization itself. Suzanne Bergeron , for example, focuses on the typical theories of globalization as the "rapid integration of the world into one economic space" through the flow of goods , capital , and money , in order to show how they exclude some women and the disadvantaged.
She highlights the alternative views of globalization created by feminists.
First, she describes how feminists may de-emphasize the idea of the market as "a natural and unstoppable force," instead depicting the process of globalization as alterable and movable by individual economic actors including women. She also explains that the concept of globalization itself is gender biased, because its depiction as "dominant, unified, [and] intentional" is inherently masculinized and misleading. She suggests that feminists critique such narratives by showing how a "global economy" is highly complex, de-centered and unclear.
Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development
Feminist and ecological economics so far have not engaged with one another much. They argue that the growth paradigm perpetuates existing gender and environmental injustices and seek to mitigate it with a degrowth work-sharing proposal. Scholars in the paradigm of Degrowth point out that the contemporary economic imaginary considers time as a scarce resource to be allocated efficiently, while in the domestic and care sector time use depends on the rhythm of life. These acquire different meanings when used describing the actions of males and females.
Degrowth proposes to put care at the center of society, thus calling for a radical rethinking of human relations. It should be pointed out that degrowth is a concept that originated in the global north and is mainly directed towards a reduction of the economic and therefore material throughput of affluent societies. Ecological processes as well as caring activities are similarly, systematically devalued by the dominating industrial and economic paradigms.
This can be explained by the arbitrary boundary between the monetized and the maintaining that remains largely unchallenged. Degrowth presents itself as an alternative to this dualistic view. If designed in a gender-sensitive way that recenters society around care could have the potential to alleviate environmental injustices while promoting greater gender equality.
Many feminist economists challenge the perception that only "objective" often presumed to be quantitative data are valid. Interdisciplinary data collection looks at systems from a specific moral position and viewpoint instead of attempting the perspective of a neutral observer. The intention is not to create a more "subjective" methodology, but to counter biases in existing methodologies, by recognizing that all explanations for world phenomena arise from socially-influenced viewpoints.
This chapter discusses theorizing as a process used to test assumptions about a number of phenomena in order to generate principles and theories to explain these phenomena. This chapter also points out that traditionally this process has been male centred and related to the cultures, nationalities, and dominant economic classes of the theorists, who did not take into account the perspectives and experiences of women or the problems and issues that affect women. Until feminist theorists began critiquing existing knowledges, these theories were used to produce programs and policies that adversely affected the lives of women.
The readings highlight the feminist challenges to the traditional, androcentric approach to theorizing and discuss some of the characteristics of feminist approaches. These approaches not only take into account differences in experiences of women and men but also recognize that women themselves do not constitute a homogenous group. Using these approaches, feminists have deconstructed androcentric theories and knowledge and produced a comprehensive view of women's multiple realities.
The knowledges they have generated provide a basis for critiquing existing policies and determining alternative policies and activities to address the problems affecting women. Recognizing that factors such as class, race, ethnicity, age, social status, and sexual orientation shape perceptions and experience points to the social character of gender and gender relations. In the next chapter, you will examine a number of theories on gender and development that have evolved from a process of both women's and men's theorizing in different contexts and situations.
Baksh-Soodeen, R. Is there an international feminism? Alternative Approach 24 Summer , Charlton, S. Women in Third World development. Chhachhi, A.
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Concepts in feminist theory: consensus and controversy. In Mohammed, P. Harding, S. Conclusion: epistemological questions. In Harding, S. Introduction: Is there a feminist method? Ornstein, A. Curriculum — foundations, principles and issues. Rose, H. Alternative knowledge systems in science: can feminism rebuild the sciences? In Bailey, B. Stanley, L. Breaking out: feminist consciousness and feminist research. Whose science? Whose knowledge? Talking back — thinking feminism, thinking black. Seibold, C. Feminist method and qualitative research about mid-life. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 19, This chapter introduces the concepts of gender and development and the factors that gave rise to their emergence.
It also provides an explanation of the precolonial experience of so-called Third World people, especially with respect to gender relations and the experiences of women and men in social, political, and economic life. The discussion challenges simplistic characterizations and generalizations of precolonial societies and points to their rich diversity and difference. This chapter provides a framework for considering alternative ways of perceiving human social and cultural development and organizing social, economic, and political life.
It also provides information that challenges traditional monolithic assumptions about women and the sexual division of labour. To explore the evolution of the concepts of gender and development and to critically examine their underlying assumptions;. To recognize the diversity of human experience and the alternative measures of value and standards for the assessment of progress and human achievement; and.
To provide a general historical understanding of the lives of Third World people before the institutionalization of development. In ordinary usage, development a noun derived from the verb develop implies movement from one level to another, usually with some increase in size, number, or quality of some sort. In the Penguin English Dictionary, the verb develop means "to unfold, bring out latent powers of; expand; strengthen; spread; grow; evolve; become more mature; show by degrees; explain more fully; elaborate; exploit the potentialities of a site by building, mining, etc.
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For our purposes, these meanings of development apply to human societies. The usage of the word in this context was popularized in the post-World War n period to describe the process through which countries and societies outside North America and Europe many of them former colonial territories were to be transformed into modern, developed nations from what their colonizers saw as backward, primitive, underdeveloped societies see Box 1. Colonialism refers in general to the extension of the power of a state through the acquisition, usually by conquest, of other territories; the subjugation of the inhabitants to a rule imposed by force; and the financial and economic exploitation of the inhabitants to the advantage of the colonial power.
Characteristic of this form was the maintenance of a sharp and fundamental distinction often expressed in law as well as in fact between the ruling nation and the subordinate colonial populations. This led to entrenched forms of racism. In the modern period, that is, since , colonial powers initially included the Dutch, English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish.
Later, other European states also became involved, such as the Belgians and Germans. In the 20th century, the United States, too, became a colonial power. It is necessary to differentiate between settler colonialism and nonsettler colonialism. In the case of the United Kingdom, for example, special status of dominion or protectorate was given to settler colonies, such as Australia, Canada, the Irish Free States, Newfoundland, New Zealand, Southern Rhodesia, and the Union of South Africa, which had large communities of European migrants.
They were usually self-governing territories of the British empire. Protectorate was used to refer to territories governed by a colonial power although not formally annexed by it. In these areas also, including the United States, internal colonialism is often used to describe the relationship between the settlers and the native or indigenous people and minorities. Although other forms of domination and hegemony have existed in human history, this chapter concentrates on the specific form of European colonization and colonial domination that has taken place since the 16th century.
Today, this grouping includes former colonial, largely but not totally tropical, countries, peopled mainly by non-Europeans. It is usually referred to as the Third World, underdeveloped countries, developing countries, and, more recently, the South or the economic South. Although it would be helpful to have one term to designate all of these countries, none of the above terms is really adequate. All are based on assumptions that we should be aware of when we use them. They are an improvement, however, on the terms first used in development writing, such as backward or economically backward countries.
It is important to note that before European colonial domination, many societies had already felt the impact of other dominating forces.
For example, in North Africa the spread of the Islamic influence wrought great changes in the lifestyle of the native people — so much so that, now, some people hardly have any memory of a pre-Islamic past. In India, the spread of Hinduism over the continent had a similar, although more varied, impact. In some instances, the colonizers entered countries already controlled by well-established, stratified, patriarchal structures and introduced yet another controlling force into women's lives. In this chapter, I briefly explore each of these concepts and the contexts within which they arose.
The concept of underdeveloped-developing countries emerged as part of the work of early development economists in the s, who theorized very simplistically about the stages of development mat societies had to pass through to become "developed," or "modern. In addition, the history of Western industrialized countries was used as a broad model for the process through which all societies were to pass.
Around the s, with nationalist sentiments becoming vocal, the term less developed was added, as it was considered less pejorative than underdeveloped. This approach is sometimes critically referred to as developmentalism. Not much later, a school of mainly sociologists and political scientists emerged. They were eventually referred to as modernization theorists because they described this process as one of becoming modem. They, too, developed a triad:. Modernity may be understood as the common behaviourial system historically associated with the urban, industrial, literate, and participant societies of Western Europe and North America.
The system is characterised by a rational and scientific world view, growth and ever-increasing application of science and technology, together with continuous adaptation of the institutions of society to the imperatives of the new world view and the emerging technological ethos. One of the main features common to these two approaches is that they equated development or modernity with industrialization.
Industrialization and its companion, urbanization the emergence of towns and cities , were considered the only ways for backward societies to become modern, or developed. Progress and advancement were also seen in this light. There was little appreciation of the social, cultural, economic, or political attributes of non-Western societies. Indeed, these approaches accepted to a large degree the colonial feeling of superiority over indigenous peoples, many of whom were decimated, robbed of their land, or confined to reservations or territories for example, in Australia, Canada, and the United States , or marginalized and forced to flee into the mountains for example, in parts of Asia and most of South and Central America see Box 2.
Thus are economies based on indigenous technologies viewed as "backward" and "un-productive. On the contrary, the destruction of ecologically sound traditional technologies, often created and used by women, along with the destruction of their material base is generally believed to be responsible for the "feminisation" of poverty in societies which have had to bear the costs of resource destruction.
These approaches also had little to say about women. Women were largely linked to the traditional and backward aspects of these societies and most resistant to change. Because the theorists used traditional in such a general sense, with little recourse to history or social anthropology, they little realized the diversity in women and men's relations, in modes of domestic and family organization, or in social, economic, and political life. It emerged with the heightened anticolonial consciousness that arose with the coming of the new nation-states in Africa and Asia.
This was also a time when the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union-Eastern Europe was dividing the world along ideological and geopolitical lines. They adopted the position of nonalignment with either camp, arguing the need for a third, alternative world grouping. The term Third World was adopted by many of these countries to differentiate themselves from the First World the North Atlantic capitalist world, or the world of advanced market economies and the Second World the centrally planned economies of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.
The Third World consisted of all other nations — usually in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, the Pacific, and South and Central America, including the centrally planned economies in these areas. One of the main criticisms of the concept of the Third World has been that it suggests a hierarchy of nations.
Some people argue that to accept third place is to accept a lower status in the world order. The people who coined the phrase probably never considered this but simply saw Third World as an alternative to the two main options their countries were being pushed to accept, options that, as history would show, they would eventually agree to. North-South became a popular term around , after the publication of the report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, popularly known as the Brandt Commission because it was led by the late Willy Brandt, former Chancellor of West Germany see Brandt According to one source,.
The expression was selected by the Commission to emphasize the economic divide between the North rich nations and the South poor nations and to highlight the presumed desirability of a North-South dialogue grounded in a common concern for global problems and freed from the complications of East-West political interests. This division, like many associated with relations of power, is geographically incorrect. Some countries in the South are neither low income nor not former colonial countries; likewise, some economies and conditions of life in the North, such as can be found in Eastern and Southern Europe, have little in common with the leading industrialized capitalist economies of the North.
For some, this terminology reflects global restructuring and the changes taking place in the global economy. Economic South was a term coined to further delineate this grouping in economic and political terms, rather than in purely geographic ones. The heyday of developmentalism — in the s, s, and s — fostered some strong beliefs, such as. That state or government should play the central determining role in introducing development policies and strategies that could lead to improved standards of living and conditions of life; and. That international investment, loans, and aid can redirect economies away from their traditional bases — usually in agriculture — toward industry and manufacture.
Today, although much of this sentiment has changed, much has remained the same. The dominant thinking in the late s and early s has been that the state has a leading, but only facilitating, role in the economy. Development is now seen as the responsibility of private companies and, increasingly, private nongovernmental organizations NGOs. In addition, the market is seen as the main arbiter of decision-making. This approach is based on the renewed influence of liberal economic thinking now called neoliberal economics , which has affected international economic.
All this has taken place within the context of a Third World debt crisis, within which economic restructuring and structural-adjustment policies are advocated as mechanisms for generating income to repay debt. Such thinking has become reality through the conditions on the stabilization and structural-adjustment loans offered by the International Monetary Fund IMF and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development the World Bank to countries facing balance-of-payments difficulties.
The main purpose of the new organizations was to provide a basis for monetary and currency stability for increased trade and expansion of these economies. This was to be accomplished by providing financial support during periods of balance-of-payments difficulties, that is, when imports exceeded exports.
The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was later added, and, according to Dennis Pantin, each of these institutions would play a complementary role in the management of a world economy that did not restrict the movement of goods, services, and money Pantin Since the emergence of the new nation-states in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and the Pacific in the s and s, the Bretton Woods Agreement has widened in scope. As a result of the current trend in monetarist, or neoliberal, economics, the role of this agreement has expanded. The IMF provides short-term stabilization assistance to countries with balance-of-payments difficulties, on condition that they implement certain fiscal and monetary policies.
The World Bank, on the other hand, is more concerned with long-term adjustment through restructuring of host economies along fixed lines. Its policies can be summarized as follows Blackden :. Stabilization or reduction of budget or balance-of-payments deficits, reduction of budget deficits or freezes in public-sector employment, cut-backs in public-sector investment, removal of public-sector subsidies usually away from the agriculture and social sector to the private commercial sector , and tax reform;.
Promotion of the private sector through contracting of public services, sale of state enterprises, and deregulation;. Market liberalization and price reforms, in which the local market is opened to greater foreign and domestic competition; exchange-rate liberalization, usually devaluations or floatation of local currency to encourage exports; and removal of price controls and supports to local industry; and.
Rationalization of public-sector institutions, including civil-service public-sector reform, privatization of state enterprises, and reform of the social sector to make it cost-effective. Aspects of these neoliberal policies have also been implemented since the s in Northern countries, such as Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States, and, more recently, in continental Europe.
Additionally, many governments have implemented economic-adjustment programs without being involved in an IMF or World Bank program. They are not tailored to the particular needs of individual economies;. They contribute to major declines in standards of living, including nutritional levels, educational standards, employment rates, and access to social-support systems;.
They shift more of the responsibility for health care, education, and care of the sick and elderly to women already burdened by unpaid work;. They increase social ills, such as violent crime, drug abuse, and violence against women; and. They result in increased levels of migration legal and illegal from the South to the North.
In many parts of the North and South, women's organizations and NGOs are involved in developing sustainable and economically feasible alternatives to these neoliberal policies of structural adjustment. The term sustainable development came into popular use after the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, popularly known as the Brundtland Report and the Brundtiand Commission, respectively.
The report was largely a response to the growing international environmental and ecological lobby. It defined sustainable development as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs" WCED , p. According to Donald Brooks , the paradigm, or worldview, emerging around this concept recognized the need to ensure and facilitate the following:. Integration of conservation and development;. Maintenance of ecological integrity;. Satisfaction of basic human needs see Chapter 3 ;. Achievement of equity and social justice; and.
Provision of social self-determination and cultural diversity. This comprehensive approach does not reflect all approaches to sustainable development. Some economists, for example, speak of "sustainable growth. Nevertheless, a more equitable distribution of existing resources could lead to improvements in the quality of life. Feminist activists have been central to the movement against environmental degradation and for sustainability right from the movement's inception. They have also often gone beyond the narrower definitions of the issues to include the struggle for peace and the struggle against the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
Whereas most of the discussions on sustainable development have taken place within the context of mainstream development economics, feminist activists have for the most part seen sustainable development as part of a larger alternative model of development or societal transformation. It must be in harmony with nature if nature is to sustain us, we must sustain nature ;. It must be people centred and oriented people have to be seen as the subjects, not the objects, of development ;. It must be women centred recognizing the responsibility that women have always assumed for catering to the basic needs of society ;.
It must cater to the needs of the majority consumption levels of the rich and industrialized world must be reduced ;. There must be decentralization of decision-making and control over resources within countries and internationally;. Democracy must become more participatory and direct, unleashing the latent energies of the people; and. At every level, sustainable development must promote the politics of peace, nonviolence, and respect for life. In short, sustainable development for many feminists from the South and North implies a new kind of political, economic, social, and cultural system and a new value orientation.
The seeds of the women-and-development concept a broad-based term that includes a number of approaches to women's development; see below were planted during the s and s. During this time, 50 countries were freed from colonialism, and the women who had participated in independence movements acted on their convictions that they must join with men in building these new nations. For example, at the beginning of the s, women of East African countries, led by Margaret Kenyatta, met at seminars to adopt strategies aimed at reaching their goals.
This was at a time when the revived feminist movement in the North had not yet found a distinct voice and The Feminine Mystique Friedan ,. Before that time, in , just 2 years after the formation of the United Nations, the Commission on the Status of Women CSW was established to monitor United Nations activities on behalf of women.
To a large extent, however, its efforts were limited within the legalistic context of human rights. By the s and s, women of these newly independent countries began taking their delegations to the United Nations though in small numbers and were able to challenge the legalistic agenda of CSW by raising development-oriented issues. By , when the-United Nations General Assembly reviewed the results of the First Development Decade of the s, three factors that would eventually converge to foster the various approaches to women's development had become evident:.
It was found that the industrialization strategies of the s had been ineffective and had, in fact, worsened the lives of the poor and the women in Third World countries. The Second Development Decade was therefore designed to address this and "bring about sustainable" improvement in the well-being of individuals and bestow benefits on all.
Boserup, an agricultural economist, used research data from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, and Latin America to highlight women's central positions in the economic life of these societies, and she described the disruptive effects of colonialism and modernization on the sexual division of labour through the introduction of the international market economy. Among other things, this process drew men away from production based on family labour and gave them near-exclusive access to economic and other resources.
Boserup concluded that the economic survival and development of the Third World would depend heavily on efforts to reverse this trend and to more fully integrate women into the development process. The feminist movement reemerged in Western countries around , alongside other social movements for civil rights.
Although the movement's energies were, for the most part, directed internally, some Western women used their position to pressure their government's foreign-aid offices to ensure that grants to recipient countries supported women as well as men. The central point of the original women-and-development approach was that both women and men must be lifted from poverty and both women and men must contribute to and benefit from development efforts. Its formulation is based on the following suppositions:.
Because women comprise more than half of the human resources and are central to the economic as well as the social well-being of societies, development goals cannot be fully reached without their participation. Women and development is thus a holistic concept wherein the goal of one cannot be achieved without the success of the other. Women, therefore, must have "both the legal right and access to existing means for the improvement of oneself and of society. International Women's Year was declared by the United Nations in , and the celebration of this at the First International Women's Conference in Mexico City marked the globalization of the movement.
This unique intergovernmental conference and the nongovernmental International Women's Tribune Centre TWTC , a networking and communications institution, brought together women from nearly all countries of the world under the theme Equality, Development and Peace and extended its work during the United Nations Decade for Women, This sparked the creation of institutions and networks world-wide as "women and development" became an area of specialization in the development field. At the national level, "national machineries" — commissions on women, women's desks, and women's bureaus — were soon established in most countries.
New women's organizations and networks sprang up at the community and national levels. These contributed to the institutionalization of women and development as an internationally recognized set of concepts and did much to generalize knowledge and consciousness about women's issues internationally. Visit the national machinery for women's affairs in your country. It may be a women's desk, a women's bureau, or a ministry of women's affairs. Write a short history of its emergence and analyze its interpretation of the term women and development.
The concern with gender emerged as feminist theorists sought to understand the complexities of women's subordination. The word gender came into mainly academic use some 15 years after the reemergence of lateth-century feminism, which has, unlike its earlier manifestations, made a significant dent in male-dominated androcentric scholarship at least, I like to think so.
Feminist scholars argued that the Western academic tradition, of which most universities and colleges in the world are part, has systematically ignored the experiences of women in its fields of learning, concepts, theories, and research methods. Additionally, although claiming to be scientific, it has really embodied mythical assumptions about women's and men's capabilities, the sexual division of labour in early human history, and, as a result, women's place in today's society.
These assumptions were extended to non-Western societies, with the result that Western assumptions and values influenced relations between the sexes and between groups within each sex, relations that ranged from egalitarian to highly patriarchal and stratified.
The word gender, like development, had a specific usage before feminist theorists extended its meaning. One of the earliest uses of gender in feminist theory can be traced to the University of Sussex Workshop on the Subordination of Women and the school of thought that emerged from this workshop. Scholars such as Olivia Harris, Maureen Mackintosh, Felicity Odium, Ann Whitehead, and Kate Young argued that women, like men, are biological beings but that women's subordination was socially constructed and not biologically determined. They argued further that to conceptually differentiate between these two realities, it is necessary to identify "sex" as the biological differentiation between male and female, and "gender" as the differentiation between masculinity and femininity as constructed through socialization and education, among other factors.
What is biological is fixed and unchangeable, but what is social is subject to change and should be the focus of attention for feminist theorists. In its more recent use, as you will see in Chapter 3 , gender has come to be used, like class and ethnicity or race, to designate an analytical social category, one that interacts with other social factors in influencing life experiences of groups and individuals see Box 3. Firstly, what is gender? It is somewhat ironic that the term "gender," which was first coined by psychologists and then used by feminists to get away from the biologistic referent of the word sex, is now virtually synonymous with the latter word.
Yet by using gender we are using a shorthand term which encodes a very crucial point: that our basic social identities as men and women are socially constructed rather than based on fixed biological characteristics. In this sense we can talk about societies in which there are more than two genders and in the anthropological record there are several such societies , as well as the historical differences in masculinity femininity in a given society.
Since that time this concept has gained widespread acceptance in a range of groups and often for different reasons. Some of these reasons are as follows:. The need to include men in our analysis:. Those who worried that women's studies scholarship focused too narrowly and separately on women used the term In its simplest recent usage, "gender" is a synonym for "women. In some cases this usage In these instances, the use of "gender" is meant to denote scholarly seriousness of a work, for "gender" has a more neutral and objective sound than does "women.
Recently, the phrase "women in development" WID is also being replaced in some circles by "gender and development" GAD or "gender concerns in development" GCID The details of these approaches will be dealt with in more explicitly in Chapter 3. Today, however, two types of critiques have emerged in relation to the concept of gender.
One of these comes from a movement perspective. As noted by Joan W. Scott, gender has become a useful and almost inescapable concept in women's studies and feminist theory Scott Many people in the women's movement fear, however, that this is leading to a situation in which women are once more invisible.
They note that the fields of WID, GAD, GCID, feminist theory, and women's studies all owe their origins to the women's movement and the struggles of women in the streets, towns, villages, and academies. Yet, today, with the growing acceptance of academic women's studies and gender specialists, the concern with the day-to-day problems and struggles of women and the movement is being marginalized and, indeed, no longer even acknowledged.
The divisions between male and female are not as fixed and clear cut as once thought — the male-female dichotomy is seen as being just as problematic as other dichotomies in Western thought; and. It is not so simple to extricate what is "sex" from what is "gender," as these two phenomena, as described, intertwine. Although the concept of gender can never substitute for that of woman, it has added to our understanding of the complexities of human social relations in numerous ways. Clearly, it is a concept that is here to stay.
It is important that we recall the richness of the history of most developing countries before colonialism and the era of development. It is also important for us to understand the nature of social relations in the earlier periods of that history. As I noted earlier, the Third World, or the South, really comprises most of the world. It is a mistake to speak of this vast and varied area as if it were all the same. Until recently, most of our history of this region was androcentric.
It focused on the period after the encounter with Western Europe and emphasized male action or agency. In addition, it was often first written in Western languages by Western male scholars who, with few exceptions, were Eurocentric and intolerant of the people they studied. As a result, our historical records are laced with racism, sexism, and imperialist sentiments. The following 17th-century European male's description of matrilineality in West Africa is a clear example:. The Right of Inheritance is very oddly adjusted; as far as I could observe, the Brother's and Sister's Children are the right and lawful Heirs, in the manner following.
Although development theorists paid little attention to the complexities of these societies before the era of development, social anthropologists did. However, they also took with them androcentric and ethnocentric biases that clouded their view of these societies and of gender relations in these societies. In the heyday of Third World nationalism, in the s and s, indigenous historians sought to correct this wrong. Most of these historians were male or trained in the androcentric worldview, so knowledge of women's experiences in precolonial society continued to be hidden. To counteract centuries of what Peter Worsley called "imperialist history," nationalist historians often distorted this history to highlight a great and glorious past, stressing the kings and queens, wealth and empire.
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In so doing, they often ignored the traditional egalitarianism of many precolonial societies, in which women had greater power and autonomy and life was more in tune with nature and the environment, not based on its destruction. Today, as feminist activists and other concerned scholars reevaluate development and modernization, there is a renewed appreciation of the positive features of the ways of life in earlier societies, although we realize the limitations of those times.
We also understand the need to preserve and protect the egalitarian and environmentally friendly practices that have survived in our societies and have been adapted to serve people's needs, often outside mainstream political and economic structures. Collect examples of women's knowledge of medicine and healing and the ways in which these have been passed on from one generation to another. Since the late 18th century, social scientists have sought to develop a schema to explain the variety and differences in human experience.
Early evolutionists incorporated the notion of progress: human development moving from primitive, backward forms to advanced and developed ones. Functionalist anthropologists in the midth century concentrated on seeing each society as an integrated whole. They could not help interpreting what they observed through their biased perspectives and basing conclusions on their customary assumptions.
Today, although critical scholars no longer attribute value to societies in terms of progress or backwardness, they do recognize that precolonial societies may have been at different stages of social development. These stages are usually described in relation to the production systems that predominated at the time. Like all schemas, however, these descriptions provide only a partial understanding. Most societies cannot be neatly classified in one category or another.
Many show signs of being at more than one "stage. Some anthropologists totally reject any theory of stages of social development because of their links to the notions of modernization and progress. They argue, instead, for a nonstage approach that examines each society on its own terms and sees movement social change taking place in any direction.
Transitions from one stage to another, if these are thought to occur at all, are therefore the result of many factors that anthropologists are still exploring, including a society's environment and its historical relationships with other groups. The stages are usually identified as follows:. Feminist anthropologists have also argued that the organization of social and production relations — such as social stratification , the monogamous family, ownership of property, and forms of work and production — has greatly influenced the differences in gender relations around the world.
In some instances, as discussed earlier, societies were extremely stratified patriarchies before the arrival of European colonizers. This was sometimes the result of domination by other patriarchal and highly stratified groups or an existing system of social stratification. In many other instances, however, this was not the case, especially in matrilineal societies, as shown in Fatima Mernissi's description of Morocco before its Islamization:.
The panorama of female sexual rights in pre-Islamic culture reveals that women's sexuality was not bound by the concept of legitimacy. Children belonged to their mother's tribe. Women had sexual freedom to enter into and break off unions with more than one man, either simultaneously or successively. A woman could either reserve herself to one man at a time, on a more or less temporary basis, as in a mut'a marriage, or she could be visited by many husbands at different times whenever their nomadic tribe or trade caravan came through the woman's town or camping ground. The husband would come and go; the main unit was the mother and child with an entourage of kinfolk.
In all situations, women had been able to create spaces and possibilities for autonomy within the structures of subordination existing in their societies see Case Studies However, these strategies were complicated or removed by the imposition of assumptions about a woman's or man's place in the new systems of stratification that were based on notions of class and racial or ethnic superiority.
Elisa Buenaventura-Posso and Susan E. Brown, in their study of the Bari, an indigenous people of Columbia, traced the Bari's historical background and described their society as "fully egalitarian," a society without stratification, differential access to resources, or accumulation of wealth; exhibiting full sexual symmetry and individual autonomy; and valuing each person's work as socially equal. Buenaventura-Posso and Brown made their assessment through analyses of the processes of leadership, stratification, decision-making, division of labour, ritual, interpersonal relationships, and general social atmosphere.
The ferocity with which the Bari resisted usurpation arid extinction by powerful external forces for years contrasts sharply with their harmonious, classless, internal social organization and very high regard for peace. In , a colonial envoy noted that "they do not live subject to anyone's domination Two hundred years later, a visiting Capuchin monk made similar observations, adding that "there are no privileged classes The head of the group cannot be called a chief
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