Tenim religions i convents. Som molt nets i duim perfums i molt bones olors. ASE: Eh, frare! Eh, frare! Les abelles apleguen la mel dins les fulles i flors de les herbes i dels arbres i d'altres plantes. I de la cera fan llurs cases i habitacions, en diverses maneres. Renou i celebracions dels animals. ASE: Frare Anselm: qui no mira davant cau endarrera. Deis clarament que sou lladres, i vos teniu per tals.
Sou vells i menjau llet. Riquer, p. Turmeda, Anselm.
Autobiografia i atac als partidaris de la creu. Barcelona, Curial, Llibre de bons amonestaments i altres obres. Mallorca, Moll, Riquer, M. Barcelona, Ariel, Turmeda, A. Barcelona, Aliorna, Maria del Mar Bonet. World muxxic Vegeu part de La disputa de l'ase dins Jo som un animal. Campus UIB. Carretera Valldemossa Km. Charles Goulding. John Dean. Martyn Green. Grahame Clifford. Leo Sheffield. Sydney Granville. Richard Walker. Frederick Hobbs. Leslie Rands. Alan Styler. Radley Flynn. Elsie Griffin. Helen Roberts.
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Nellie Briercliffe. Marjorie Eyre. Joyce Wright. Bertha Lewis. Ella Halman. Donald Adams. John Ayldon. Philip Potter. Geoffrey Shovelton. Peter Pratt. John Reed. James Conroy-Ward. Fisher Morgan. Kenneth Sandford. Jeffrey Skitch. George Cook. Valerie Masterson. Julia Goss. Balearic pirates could impede the trade routes linking Barcelona to its Mediterranean markets.
Abulafia, Two Italies, David Abulafia,' Catalan merchants and the western Mediterranean, studies in the notarial acts of Barcelona and Sicily', Viator, 16 , , repr. Whether it was the Catalan merchants or their rulers, the kings of Aragon and counts of Barcelona, who initiated schemes to reconquer the Balearics in the early thirteenth century has been much debated. For his son, James I , a Catalan assault on Mallorca would not just be a holy war, but also an opportunity to show his unruly vassals in Catalonia that he was a decisive and capable war-leader.
Yet he appears to have taken advice from a prominent Barcelona merchant, Pere Martell, when planning his war. According to his own account, reported in what is generally regarded as James' autobiography, James raised the topic of the conquest of Mallorca at a dinner party in Tarragona late in , though other evidence suggests that the project was already in his mind beforehand. In the Catalan fleet, strongly backed by allied fleets from southern France and Provence, where Aragonese influence and lordship was extensive, swooped on the island; troops advanced to Madina Mayurqa and, after a short siege, captured the city.
Madina Mayurqa became Ciutat de Mallorca; the lands on the island were divided up among the conquering armies, and groups that had given significant help, such as the merchants of Marseilles and Montpellier, were amply rewarded with houses in the city and lands outside. Even the Italian merchants, who were strongly suspected of plotting with the Muslim ruler to keep the Catalans out, were wisely given lands and privileges. According to the late thirteenth century chronicler Bernat Desclot: these men of Genoa and Pisa gave to the [Muslim] king of Mallorca evil counsel for their own ends.
And they did this with no other purpose than Catalan edn: El problema cPun imperi catala Palma de Mallorca, Soldevila Barcelona, , cap.
VAIG A ON VA EL VENT (2009)
A useful account of the conquest of Mallorca is that of F. Fernandez-Armesto, Before Columbus. It must be stressed that the conquest was as much Provencal and Languedocien work as it was Catalan; a romantic tradition even staffs James' army with refugee Cathar noblemen from southern French lands now permeated by the oppressive atmosphere of the Inquisition. The fate of Mallorca's Muslim population is not entirely clear, and is discussed at greater length in a later chapter.
There were many enslaved, and some free, Muslims on the island in the late thirteenth century, though some of these Muslims were brought from the mainland by landlords such as the Knights of the Temple to till the soil. It has to be presumed that a large number were sold into slavery in If the Muslim population assimilated into the Christian settler population, it did so almost noiselessly.
The monarchy saw the Jews as politically less troublesome than the Muslims, since they were unable to look across the sea to Africa to powerful rulers who might come and redeem them. The change in royal mood, pushing the Jews from privileged status to marginalisation and persecution, is documented elsewhere in this book.
James I waited till a second visit before he tackled the problem of Menorca, a windswept island mainly famous for its livestock and dairy goods, then as now. In he deceived the Muslims of Menorca into believing they were facing a massive invasion; the distant sight of the fires burning at the easternmost tip of Mallorca, at Capdepera, was Bernat Desclot, Llibre del rey en Pere in Les quatre grans crbniques, ed. Soldevila Barcelona, 16 , cap. See chapter 4.
Burns, 'Muslims in the thirteenthcentury realms of Aragon: interaction and reaction', in Muslims under Latin rule, , 18 ed. See chapter 5. They were obliged to pay a handsome tribute, partly in livestock, but they were also guaranteed the free practice of Islam. Menorca became a Muslim enclave in Catalan waters. In it was the turn of Ibiza. The assault on the island has been described as ' the last private act of reconquista' in Spain. It was the work of the sacristan of Girona cathedral, Guillem de Montgri, working under the patronage of the archbishop of Tarragona.
In fact, the monarchy made little attempt at first to capitalise on its conquests. The grants of land to soldiers and other supporters, tax exemptions for foreign merchants and other privileges meant that the conquest of the Balearics brought the crown glory rather than substantial financial rewards. The government of Mallorca was actually ceded in to an Iberian condottiere, Prince Pedro of Portugal, who himself spent rather little time on the island, and there were other powerful interests, notably the count of Roussillon, Nunyo Sang, who had been a supporter of James I back in Catalonia.
His concern lay in providing for his sons, of whom, by , two legitimate ones remained, Peter and James. At this stage, James the Conqueror ruled four major entities, each technically distinct from one another: highland Aragon, as king, Catalonia, as count of Barcelona, newly conquered Valencia, as king, and the Balearics, as king of Majorca.
Like many Spanish rulers before him, he decided to divide his lands between his children, offering Peter Aragon, Valencia and those parts of Catalonia that lay to the west of the Pyrenees. James would have the Balearics, the lordship of Montpellier, a prized possession in Languedoc, and those parts of the Catalan lands that lay mainly to the east of the Pyrenees: Roussillon, earlier held by one of the conquerors of Mallorca, 19 20 J a m e s I, Crbnica, caps.
Cerdagne and adjacent lands. These territories were to constitute a separate realm after James I's death; the king of Majorca, count of Roussillon and lord of Montpellier was to hold none of his territories from his elder brother, but was to be fully independent of him. But in fact Aragonese interest in Sardinia only precipitated an attempt by the king of Sicily and count of Provence, Charles of Anjou, an inveterate rival of James I, to intrude his own son as king of Sardinia.
Peter of Aragon sought almost immediately to cajole James 11 of Majorca as his brother is usually called into accepting Aragonese overlordship. He was even to attend meetings of the Catalan Corts, an obligation that points to the heart of the paradox: the king of Majorca was to attend the parliaments of the count of Barcelona, while he was also a vassal of the king of Aragon. Now, the fact that the king of Aragon was exactly the same person as the count of Barcelona did not resolve the confusion. Was the Majorcan state a dependency of Catalonia or of Aragon?
The question does not admit of an answer. The constitutional picture, as will be seen, was confused and contradictory. In addition, the Majorcan king also engaged not to mint his own money in Roussillon, though he was free to do so in the Balearics in fact, he refrained from so doing till Within three years ofJames Fs death, Peter had his way; and, at a meeting in Perpignan in , James II of Majorca accepted that he was little more than a great baron who possessed a very grand title, and extensive rights of jurisdiction within his lands.
Dependence on Aragon remained, nonetheless, a live issue. Peter's humiliation of the king of Majorca, in , backfired; when in the king of France launched an attack on Aragon, as vengeance for the seizure of Sicily by Peter the Great of Aragon, the Majorcan ruler gave his support to France against his own bullying brother. James' decision was crucial, since he thus permitted the French armies eventually to march through his own county of Roussillon on their way into Catalonia proper.
His mainland capital at Perpignan where a handsome Palace of the Kings of Majorca can still be seen was attacked by Peter; James only evaded Peter's clutches by Indeed, it is generally thought doubtful whether the inhabitants of the islands had much sense of loyalty to the Majorcan kingdom, though Jocelyn Hillgarth has argued for greater reserves of loyalty to James II than others have supposed. The Catalan population may well have seen the links with Catalonia as a secure means to prosperity: at the height of the quarrel with Peter, in , trade out of Mallorca hardly touched the Catalan coast, and had to be directed mainly to north Africa; this may have caused some inconvenience.
In any case, the government of the kingdom was mainly based in Perpignan, and Mallorca was governed by a royal lieutenant. Ciutat de Mallorca was a ceremonial capital above all. Aragonese wrath at Majorcan treachery knew no bounds. Peter's son Alfonso III recaptured Mallorca for Aragon in , at the time of his father's death; and it was made plain that the islands were henceforth to be treated as an integral part of the Aragonese king's realms.
The king of Aragon resumed the use of the additional title rex Maioricarum in his acts. In , Alfonso returned to Mallorca to launch a further attack on Menorca, which had continued to pay tribute to the rulers of Majorca, but which was suspected of attempting to betray Aragonese war plans to the Muslims of north Africa. The seizure of this island was also justified by the fear that the French and their allies might use its excellent harbour facilities as a base from which to raid Catalonia. What was striking was the severity with which the Aragonese treated the indigenous population.
The Mikado - Viquipèdia, l'enciclopèdia lliure
Perhaps as many as 40, Menorcan Muslims were taken into slavery and sold, though a chance was 24 B e r n a t Desclot, Cronica, caps. See chapter 7 for links to north Africa. Mut i Calafell Palma de Mallorca, But M u n t a n e r tried to p a p e r over the differences between the Aragonese and the Majorcans, even indicating that the invasion of the Balearics in formed part of a wider scheme to outwit the French king, to which James II of Majorca was supposedly a willing party: see chapter 4.
A few Muslims were left behind to cultivate the soil, but in effect the island was totally depopulated. Its relatively bleak conditions never made it an attractive place for new Christian colonists. However, other means were at his disposal to disentangle him from Aragonese control. A vigorous economic policy was initiated, with attempts to impose tariff barriers against merchants from Catalonia who traded through the ports of the kingdom of Majorca, such as Ciutat de Mallorca and Collioure in Roussillon.
A fine Balearic coinage was at last initiated. Autonomous consulates, offering protection and warehouse facilities to Mallorcan merchants, were established in major north African ports such as Bougie, which has been described as a virtual protectorate of Majorca. The Catalans, who had earlier provided consular facilities for Majorcan as well as Catalan merchants, were strongly opposed, since revenues from consulates were a substantial source of income to the tax farmers who ran them and above all to the Aragonese crown.
Jewish map-makers on the island had access to the geographical knowledge both of the west and of the Islamic world. M a t a , Conquests and reconquests of Menorca Barcelona, , 9 - 6 2. See A. A l o m a r , Urbanismo regional en la edad media: las ' Ordinacionsi de Jaime II en el reino de Mallorca Barcelona, , a n d c h a p t e r 8. For the cartographers, see chapter As a cultural centre, Mallorca did not compare with contemporary Toledo or Barcelona; this was perhaps because the major source of patronage, the monarchy, was based in the mainland possessions, at Perpignan.
Setting aside the cartographers, by far the most important cultural figure in Mallorca's history was the mystic and missionary Ramon Llull, who was born on the island in to a prosperous family of new Catalan settlers and who claimed to have experienced a vision on Mallorca which revealed to him a complex algebra for the description of the universe and for the demonstration of the truth of Christianity: After this, Ramon went up a certain mountain not far from his home, in order to contemplate God in greater tranquillity.
When he had been there scarcely a full week, it happened that one day while he was gazing intently heavenward the Lord suddenly illuminated his mind giving him the form and method for writing the aforementioned book against the errors of the unbelievers. He himself went to preach the faith in Africa. He had a good understanding of Arabic and probably of Hebrew as well, and aimed to meet his opponents on their own ground: he was well read in Islamic and Jewish theology. Although much of his work was conducted outside the Balearics, he did attempt to make Mallorca into a base for the training of missionaries, by founding the convent at Miramar which lasted for a few years under royal patronage.
In his novel Blanquerna he described Miramar this way: That king [James II of Majorca] is a man of noble customs, and has much devotion as to the manner wherein Jesus Christ may be honoured by preaching among the unbelievers; and to this end he has ordained that thirteen friars minor shall study Arabic in a monastery called Miramar, established and set apart in a fitting place, and he himself has provided for their needs; and when they have learned the Arabic tongue they will be able Life of Ram6n Llull, iii.
Princeton, NJ, , the introduction to which constitutes a very good survey of Llull's life. See also J. In some respects he lagged behind the ideas of the Catalan friars at the court of James I in Barcelona, and his algebraic method, or 'Art', owed much to early medieval writers. The Llulls were prominent merchants, and in the early fourteenth century Ciutat de Mallorca continued to grow in importance as a safe haven from which western merchants could venture into the less safe ports of north Africa.
Soon after the Catalan conquest of Mallorca, Popes Gregory IX and Innocent IV stated that it was permissible for the Christian merchants of Mallorca to trade with the infidel in north Africa, in order to provide a livelihood for the island's inhabitants and to encourage settlement there.
Not surprisingly, Mallorca benefited from its position as a major Christian possession facing the Muslim world by becoming an important centre of the international slave trade. There were many Muslim domestic slaves on the island, in Christian or Jewish households, but most of the slaves who passed through Mallorca were in transit to mainland Spain, Italy or north Africa.
Both Christians and Jews were active in R a m o n Llull, Blanquerna, transl.
Peers a n d ed. Irwin London, , cap. Courtauld Institutes, 17 , O n the friars, see J. Chazan, Daggers of faith. Thirteenth-century Christian missionizing and. See c h a p t e r 6 for a fuller discussion of the p a p a l privileges. See A l o m a r , Urbanismo, for population estimates. Mallorca also increased in importance as a way-station along a fragile and extenuated sea-route from Italy through the Straits of Gibraltar to Seville, northern Spain, Gascony, England and Flanders.
Since about Mallorcan ships had been sailing alongside those of Genoa as far as London, thus making possible the transfer of high or medium quality English wool to the Florentines and other Mediterranean cloth producers. At this period, too, the monarchy appears to have begun to draw a handsome income from trade taxes, after a slow start, and lavish building programmes, including the magnificent round Bellver Castle on the western edge of Ciutat de Mallorca and the refurbished Almudaina Palace in the old city, testify to the monarchy's on. At the same time, the capacity of the Majorcan rulers to resist Aragonese pretensions was constantly being weakened.
The Majorcans made a substantial contribution, as vassals of AragonCatalonia, to the fleet that invaded Sardinia in , and Mallorcan merchants were rewarded with trade privileges in Sardinia as a result. But the Aragonese Larry Simon is proposing to publish further studies of the Mallorcan slave trade in the thirteenth century, originally prepared under the direction of Fr R. See chapter On the Mallorcan presence in Almeria, Granada's outport, see chapter 9. Durliat, Vart dans le rqyaume de Majorque Toulouse, See c h a p t e r 8 for further details concerning royal revenues from trade in the early fourteenth century.
See appendix 1. James Ill's policies were built on an unequivocal assumption that as king of Majorca he could be subject to no other secular power. Characteristic was his decision to issue a set of' laws,' the so-called Leges Palatinae, which in fact consist almost entirely of descriptions of the ceremonial duties of the king's principal courtiers: the butler, the marshal, the constable and so on. He was irked by King Peter IV's insistence that he should kneel on a cushion no higher than that of ordinary barons when he came to perform homage to the king of Aragon.
Indeed, James Ill's 'laws' were later reissued by his rival Peter IV of Aragon; nor were these kings alone in their obsession with etiquette and ceremonial, as a brief glance at the reign of Peter's contemporary the Emperor Charles IV would reveal. Peter IV's view is recorded in his own memoirs, which insist that the original grant of a kingdom to James II of Majorca 'was not valid in law, for the gift was an immense one and took away the greater or a great part of the patrimony of the house of Aragon'.
Either James was a king or he was not. In a sense, similar arguments were being propounded by each side to prove that the authority of the king of Aragon, or that of Majorca, was undermined by the present arrangement. As tension grew in the years around , accusations and counteraccusations flew back and forth from Barcelona to Mallorca.
The king of Majorca was said to have tried to kidnap the king of Aragon on a visit to Barcelona during which a half-hearted attempt was made to settle the differences between the two kings; his galley was moored next to a seaside palace, and a closed wooden bridge was constructed from the ship to the palace.
James would spirit Peter There is a detailed account of their differences in Book m of Peter IV's chronicle: see Peter the Ceremonious in Les quatre grans crbniques, ed. Soldevila Barcelona, Chronicle of Peter the Ceremonious, More serious, perhaps, was the infringement of the agreement that the king of Majorca should not mint his own coins in Roussillon, where Catalan money circulated. In addition, James was known to be making polite noises to the king of England, with a view to a marriage alliance.
This was more troubling than it sounds, since the English possessions in the foothills of the northern Pyrenees lay no great distance from the Majorcan ones in the southern Pyrenees. In Peter IV invaded Mallorca. As in , there was no sudden upsurge of enthusiasm for the Majorcan monarchy. The mainland territories too were overwhelmed in , though there Peter encountered more resistance. Only Montpellier and nearby lands were left in the hands of James I I I ; and, desperate to raise money with which to pay an army, James sold Montpellier to the king of France in He attacked Mallorca with his followers, but was almost immediately killed in battle.
This marked the effective end of the kingdom of Majorca. There are doubts about the sanity of his son James IV, who tried to reactivate his claims in the late fourteenth century; but neither he nor other claimants to the throne such as Duke Louis I of Anjou-Provence, a member of the French Valois dynasty, could dislodge the Aragonese.
A kingdom of Majorca persisted, shorn of its mainland territories, which were henceforth simply appendages of Catalonia; but Mallorca did not enjoy the same status as the core states of Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia and was much less often visited by the kings of Aragon, except en route to their troublesome Sardinian lands. A governor exercised authority on behalf of the king. The Balearics experienced the same economic uncertainties as the other lands of the Crown of Aragon in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The cloth industry retained some importance, though there were severe banking crises, as at Barcelona. Foreign merchants continued to frequent the islands around , notably Ibiza appears to have increased in importance as a source of good quality salt, though it was increasingly the Genoese who handled this trade. Although by then trade through Mallorca had passed its medieval peak, the business community of Ciutat de Mallorca saw fit in the late fifteenth century to erect a stunningly beautiful Lonja or Llotja, which functioned as an exchange and as the seat of the Sea Consuls, who were responsible for the administration of merchant law.
Its beauty lies to a large extent in its austerity. It is arguably one of the most spectacular secular Gothic buildings to have survived; it is hardly testimony to an economy in severe recession. Trade on Mallorcan ships to Flanders and England faltered and died by the mid-fifteenth century. A particularly ugly manifestation of unrest was the attack on the Jewish community in , which started as a rural protest aimed at the lieutenant governor, and which ended in the sack of the Call or Jewish quarter in Ciutat de Mallorca.
Despite royal attempts to protect the Jews, whose economic contribution was much valued by the monarchy, there was a noticeable increase in anti-Jewish agitation, culminating in a mass conversion, effectively under duress, in Thereafter the converted Jews, or Xuetes, remained a distinct group on the island, subject to investigation by Inquisitors and subject also to discrimination by the old Christian population.
Islam had already vanished, except among the imported slave population of the islands. The history of the Balearic islands in the Middle Ages appears at one level as a success story: newly arrived merchants, settling in this frontier territory early in the thirteenth century, made Ciutat de Mallorca into one of the major centres of international trade, serving not merely the Mediterranean but the Atlantic. The fifteenth century For this institution, see R. Smith, The Spanish gild merchant.
A history of the consulado, Durham, NC, ; The consulate of the sea and related documents, transl. F o r a good description of this building, see The Balearic islands, ed. Against this, there is the paradox of the failure of the Majorcan monarchy. Its political weakness contrasts strikingly with Mallorca's economic strength. Attempts to secure real independence from Aragonese overlordship culminated in the suppression of the separate Majorcan crown, first briefly in , and then permanently in The loss of the Balearics by Islam detached the islands from Africa; the disappearance of the Majorcan kingdom detached them from what is now southern France; the final Aragonese conquest in brought them decisively into Spain.
There are reasons why the Catalan kingdom of Majorca has received less attention than other Spanish kingdoms: the brief existence of a Majorcan dynasty, before its reincorporation into the Crown of Aragon in ; its limited territorial extent; the emphasis in Spanish historiography on Castile, are all factors that have diverted attention away from a kingdom that sat astride some of the key trade routes of the late medieval Mediterranean, that had a significant role in the dramatic events of the War of the Sicilian Vespers, and that poses important questions about the nature of royal autonomy in late medieval Europe.
Above all, the fact that its territories are now divided between France and Spain has resulted in a general failure to look at the mainland territories of Roussillon, Cerdagne and Montpellier together with the Balearics. The sheer diversity of its archives, now spread between Paris, Perpignan, Montpellier and Palma, has combined with a natural reluctance among historians trained in the history of their nation and its regions to speak in one breath about what are now the French Pyrenees and the Balearic Autonomous Region.
Even with the resurgence of Catalan national consciousness, there has been a tendency to articulate research around the regions established by the democratic government of modern Spain, with the result that the wider setting of the Balearics and even on occasion the question of their links to their Catalonian motherland has taken second place to their internal history. One of the principal vehicles for the study of Catalan-Aragonese history is the periodic Congress of the History of the Crown of Aragon, held in one or another of the key cities of the CatalanAragonese commonwealth.
Two congresses in succession were held However, looking at the acts of the congress held in Montpellier 1 and of that held in Palma 2, it appears that the study of the role of the Crown of Aragon, and in particular the kingdom of Majorca, in southern France and the study of the late medieval Balearics have rather little in common. Other physically divided kingdoms in the Middle Ages have fared better: English historians have insisted on the need to understand Norman and Angevin policy in France though French historians have become curiously neglectful of England , and the history of the kingdom of Sicily has generally, though not always, been written as that of both the mainland and the island territories, until their separation in Indeed, the study of'multiple kingdoms and federal states' has attracted increasing interest in an age of speculation about European federation, and of the creation, or recreation, of regional governments in such areas of the former Catalan commonwealth as Catalonia, Valencia, Sicily, Sardinia and the Balearics themselves.
At the same time, broader based descriptions of Mediterranean politics at the time of the Sicilian Vespers have often had much less to say about Majorca than the island and the kingdom deserve. Hereafter CHCA xn. The first volume consists of the longer lectures Ponencies , the next three of shorter Comunicacions, so that Comunicacions 1, of , is vol. Hereafter referred to as CHCA xm, followed by volume number. Steven Runciman, The Sicilian Vespers. A history of the Mediterranean world in the later thirteenth.
Peter Herde, Karl I. Hillgarth, Problem', J. Hillgarth, The Spanish kingdoms, , 2 vols. Oxford, Jocelyn Hillgarth's interest in Mallorca reflects both his expertise in Ramon Llull and his residence on the island. See now J. Hillgarth, Readers and books in Majorca, , 2 vols. Paris, Moreover, Mallorca has special importance as a major centre of geographical knowledge in the early fourteenth century, and as an early leader in what the author calls the late medieval 'space-race 5 : it was the Majorcans who first tried to lay claim to the Canaries around When looking briefly at the fourteenth century, he rightly insists that Mallorca had become ' a land of medieval Wirtschaftswunder, comparable with Madeira in the next century with its new products and "nodal" trade'.
Clearly, a coherent answer must pay some attention to the connections between the mainland territories of Roussillon, Cerdagne and Montpellier as well as the Balearic islands. Among modern Spanish historians of the Majorcan kingdom, only Antoni Riera i Melis has attempted a global view that encompasses 5 6 7 8. In the vast mass of Angevin documentation he found what appeared to be the royal archive of Majorca, carried away to Montpellier and later to northern France after the loss of the Balearics and the Pyrenean counties in In fact, this consisted of a large number of transcriptions, and some originals which lie mostly in the Bibliotheque Nationale , which had as their purpose the demonstration that Majorca was a separate kingdom from Aragon-Catalonia; the aim was to provide a secure legal basis for the revival by Louis I of the now vanished Majorcan state.
Lecoy's substantial history of the Majorcan kingdom thus devotes a disproportionate amount of space to the period after its dissolution by the Aragonese, and to the survival of the title with virtually no lands attached to it; the Angevin claimants are of greater importance for their role in the history of France and Provence, even of southern Italy, than they are in the history of the Balearics and Roussillon, where they never succeeded in establishing themselves. All this gives his book a slightly crooked configuration, for the opening chapters concern the Catalan conquest of Muslim Mayurqa and the French emphasis comes into focus quite gradually.
In a sense, Lecoy's study of Majorca must be read as a companion to his wellregarded life of the last major Angevin pretender, the fifteenth9. Riera Melis, 'El regne de Mallorca en el context internacional de la primera meitat del segle xiv', Homenatge a la memdria del Prof. Dr Emilio Sdez Barcelona, , ; A. Riera Melis,' Mallorca , un ejemplo de " planificacion economica " en la epoca de plena expansion', Miscellanea en honor de Josep Maria Madurell i Marimon, in Estudios Historicosy Documentos de los Archivos de Protocolos, 5 , See chapter 8.
Lecoy de la Marche, Les relationspolitiques de la France avec le royaume de Majorque 2 vols. The Catalans were engaged in a civilising mission. However, the supposedly objectionable character of King Peter the Great of Aragon, evinced in his bitter opposition to France, disqualified the Catalans from the highest praise. Here the close links between the court of Majorca and the court of France were taken to be a sign that the Majorcans recognised the essentially French destiny of their mainland territories such as Roussillon and Montpellier.
What Catalonia had achieved, it had partly achieved through its French connections. France, not Spain, possessed a Mediterranean imperial destiny. Lecoy's work thus fits neatly alongside those French histories of the crusader East which sought to portray the lands outremer as France's first colony in the Islamic world. Carl Willemsen examined the political history of Majorca in the early fourteenth century, and adopted a global view encompassing islands and mainland, before developing an obsession with the art and culture of Frederick IFs time.
Lecoy de la Marche, Le roi Rene, 2 vols. Westfalen, , ; C. Willemsen, 'Jakob II. Durliat, Vart dans le royaume de Majorque Toulouse, Fs will. This term has overtones of' autonomous kingdom', and is used to express the paradox of its separateness from AragonCatalonia but also its formal dependence on the king of Aragon. Alvaro Santamaria Arandez, the most prolific modern historian of medieval Mallorca, devotes his recent Ejecutoria del reino de Mallorca to the islands, and mainly to Mallorca proper at that; in addition, he concentrates most heavily on the reign of James I of Aragon, thereby offering a very different perspective to this book.
The emphasis is therefore much more on the internal history of Mallorca than on the ' international' position of the Balearics, stressed in this book.
The collaborative history of Mallorca, to which Santamaria has contributed important chapters, has something to say about the mainland territories, but understandably its main concern is the continuities in the history of the island. Generally, however, studies of Menorca and pari passu Ibiza have been more inward-looking than those of Mallorca, and have largely consisted of brave attempts by local historians to pull together large amounts of documentation with little overall analysis. What is needed is a discussion of the relations between Menorca and the outside world in the three distinctive periods of its late medieval history: Muslim Menorca between and , when it was subject to the higher authority of the Aragonese ruler of Mallorca, but retained its autonomy under a surrender treaty; Menorca as part of the Balearic realm of James II of Majorca, Sang and James III; and Menorca under Peter IV and the other kings of Aragon, a period which has received some attention.
Mascaro Pasarius, vol. Alomar, Urbanismo regional. The publisher's decision to print Alomar's book in brown ink on orange paper has a curious effect on the illustrations, particularly the photographs of the rural habitat.
Related Cançó de mar 1. El despertar (L illa del temps) (Catalan Edition)
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