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Chi ama i libri sceglie Kobo e inMondadori. Choose Store. Genocide for reasons of state was something they had not come to terms with. Repeatedly one expected the state to move immediately to enforce control, to establish relief camps, to facilitate rehabilitation and to guarantee justice. One expected leaders to express some sense of horror and atonement for what had been done. The power of the Gandhian hunger fast has, however, been lost on his bastard epigoni.
Even when relief measures were promised, they were role-playing moves announcing compensation like a publicity-oriented insurance company would. The riot is seen as retribution, restoring older to the polity. The violence is first seen as an act of restoring u presumed imbalance. To it is added something more complex. The compensation offered was nominal. This violence, which was at the margin for years, had moved cognitively to the centre. Geographically, it had spread from repression of tribals in border states to the capital. The Sikh, ,lhr Naga and the insulated academic-intellectual had become one, hn siblings in prospective terror.
Intellectual, religious or economic autonomy is today at a discount. The Bhopal gas disaster of 2 and 3, December added a third twist to the tale. What Bhopal underlined was the enormous Incompetence of both the state and the professions. It was because of this that the victims of the disaster are an embarrassment to the India of the twenty-first century.
Let me elaborate. Ibe modem state claims competence in both warfare and welfare. The state claims not only a monopoly of the means of violence but also an overall oligarchy of expertise. Both war and well-being require the services of the professional expert. The history of the Indian state has been the history of its great commissions and each of these commissions has helped extend the professional control of the state.
Each of these reports has legitimized the entry of the state into new domains by offering claims to professional expertise. What Bhopal did was to expose these claims to competence as spurious, questioning both the competence and the ethics of the professional expert. Firsdy, all scientific information on the disaster produced by the laboratories was deemed secret. No official scientist objected publicly to this. One never knew whether scientists were hiding behind their ignorance or their esotericism. The government of India appropriated the right to fight the case on behalf of all the victims and yet it did not compile even the basic statistics of death, damage and property loss.
When, along with the victims, voluntary groups jumped into this void, the state felt doubly threatened. Not only was the victim finding a voice, he was challenging the expertise of the professions and the state. For a brief while there was a festival of voluntarism, a carnival of counter-experts initiated by groups like the Medico-Friends Circle, the Voluntary Health Association, the Bhopal Group for Information and Action, the Morcha. It was raucous, quarrelsome, anarchic personalized talk, which fused fact and value and abrogated the divorce between observer and observed.
The effervescence of this anarchy could not last but its message did. It demonstrated that the state-professional nexus was a disabling one. The verdict which accepted that Union Carbide was not criminally responsible restored the order of modernity truncating the voices of the victims and the voluntary groups.
It restored the technocratic order. It removed Bhopal from the domain of controversial politics into that of clear-cut management. Now justice was a mere technical answer to a technical question. The general feeling was that development must go on. But when voluntary groups repeatedly demonstrate the dangers of Kaiga, Narmada, Bhopal, or the new seed policy or the vaccine gun, who listens?
The voice of the expert has spoken. Victims are not a part of scientific history or discourse. A society moving towards modernity does not want to give its obsolescent victims a voice. So the people of Bhopal must join the victims of dams and nuclear parks as silent witnesses to development. Finally, the Narmada dam challenged the Nehruvian vision of science and technology. When Nehru claimed dams and laborato- ries are the temples of modem India, he was merely expanding the idiot visions of August Comte and St Simon.
It is not accidental that when the first protests against the Narmada dam took place, the protestors were arrested under Defence of India rules. The dam became a reason of state. The lives of Baba Amte and Medha Patkar and other activists are desperate efforts to open Narmada as a moral and cognitive space. Even as one writes, the waters are entering the village and people are being forced out of their houses in the name of progress and electricity. The above tale of events spanning the seventies, eighties and nineties provided the grist to the mill of these essays.
It attempts an analysis of the four key concepts in the genocidal glossary. This essay was my first break with the more official view I held while writing Organizing for Science. The essay on genetic diversity is a tribute to one of the greatest Russian scientists, Nikolai Vavilov. It was he who captured the problem of diversity, distorted partly by the orbit of hysteria that marked the Lysenko affair. It asks ihe basic question: how far can science unravel and cope with the issue of diversity.
It was originally published in Dominating Knowledge , 7 the first of a series of books which arose from the conversations of a remarkable group of individuals woven together by the Marglins. The third essay is an attempt to create the sociology of a nuclear regime. It is a textual exercise and is a reading of the works of the remarkable Austrian journalist, the late Robert Jungk.
It was Jungk who said that if Shakespeare had written Hamlet today, he would have been a scientist. I wrote the essay as an attempt to outline the choreography of positions available to a scientist confronting a Tn Ashis Nandy ed. Steven Marglin and Frederique Apffel-Marglin eds. Dominating Knowledge Oxford: Clarendon Press, pp. What began as choreography became more of a danse macabre as one followed Jungk through the anthropology of the Atom Staat. The bamboo and the coconut have always fascinated me.
I feel whole books can be written about them. I have used the flowering of the bamboo to tell a political table. The second essay is an attempt to react to the greatest inventor , ,f this century. Gandhi has always fascinated me not as a catechism hut as a playful array of possibilities. I wish to make one final observation.
One must emphasize that Ihe new directions in the philosophy and sociology of science came not from the academia but from the questions raised by grass-roots movements. The grass-roots groups were the dissenting academics of India in the eighties and nineties which raised issues that the universities were reluctant to confront.
In their raucous celebration of democracy, these groups attempted to show that the politics of knowledge is an intrinsic part of democratic politics. As a result these writings have a passion and an immediacy which the more academic works on history and sociology of science lack. Two other points need to be emphasized.
While preoccupied with the locality and the Indian state, these writers felt India was a theatre for a critique of the West. Secondly they concentrated not only on an externalist critique of science a la Bernal but added to fr an internalist dimension. They tried to understand not only policy frameworks and the political economy of science but also showed how the cosmology within which modem western science was embedded could be a source of violence as well. In Nostromo and The Heart of Darkness , he showed how western man had constructed the savage as the Other in order to impose his own savagery on him.
The jungle became the theatre of that enactment. It is an analysis of terrorism-as-faith, an unravelling of the belief that one act of violence can literally erase bourgeois society. In one of its fascinating passages, the first secretary of the Russian embassy explains the logic of violence to the anarchist, Verolac.
He remarks that the power of terror should reside not only in the physical impact of the bomb, but spread further through the aura it creates. An ordinary bombing, he explains, is as banal as class hate: But what is one to say to an act of destructive ferocity so absurd as to be incomprehensible, inexplicable, almost unthinkable; in fact, mad? Mad- ness alone is terrifying, inasmuch as you cannot placate it either by threats, persuasion or bribes. Moreover I am a civilized man.
I would never dream of directing you to organize a mere butchery. The demonstration must be against learning-science. But not every science will do. The attack must have all the shocking senselessness of gratuitous blasphemy The very boot-blacks in the basement of Charing Cross station know something of it.
He does not explore the possibility that science itself could be a mode of violence or tyranny. He failed to grasp the possibility of a lonely tribal striking a futile blow at Indian Standard Time or at the glass-encased Standard Metre. The anthropology of the act eluded him. The iconography of the act provides the justification for this essay. One must interpret all three statements within the wider framework of the history of science. I contend that historians of science have been maintaining two parallel sets of registers. There are, first, the textbook histories depicting science as an impersonal method which elevates the idea of order to a collective truth.
Accompanying this is an act of bracketing and ritual separation. I suggest an alternative explanation. This collective unconsciousness of science constitutes an integral part of the scientific experiment. Marking it off saves science as a phenom- enon but contributes little to our understanding of it. It does not explain why these theories so often recur in science.
One can see the same trend in the modem discourse on development. Development should be regarded as a scientific ffbid,, p. It represents the contemporary rituals of the laboratory state. As a project, it is composed of four theses, ingrained in the logic of western science, of modemity-as-technocracy. One can call them: 1. The Hobbesian project , which is the conception of a society based on the scientific method; 2. The imperatives of progress , which legitimize the use of social engineering on all those objects defined as backward or retarded; 3.
The idea of triage , combining the concepts of rational exper- iment, obsolescence, and vivisection— whereby a society, a subcul- ture or a species is labelled as obsolete and condemned to death because rational judgement has deemed it incurable. Development as a technocratic project includes all four themes. In fact, if concepts could ever be death warrants, the above glossary could be regarded as genocidal.
The next sections contain a brief discussion of these concepts. II T he genealogy of modem science is often traced to the tracts of Bacon and Descartes. They were no doubt influential, but the triptych is only complete with the work of Thomas Hobbes. If Descartes captured the philosophical expertise of the machine as imagination, and Bacon the rules of the experimental method, Hobbes complements them with the conception of a society based on the scientific method. Michael Oakeshott Oxford: Blackwell, The Hobbesian state was a schema for science as society. In fact, the early members of the Royal Society condemned Hobbes for his lack of caution.
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The charter of the Royal Society, in which the moment of conception was the moment of fission, is an attempt to wish away this problem. In an open declaration about the dualism of knowledge and power, the charter clearly states that problems of politics are beyond its ken. For Hobbes modernity demands a move from the state of nature to civil society.
His description of the state of nature was not so much a historical account as an analytical one with historical nuances. The state of nature was that of anarchy; a chaos of meanings, emotions, dreams, fantasies and hallucinations. It encapsulated the factional- ism of religious strife, the divisive heresy of Levellers, Diggers and other inner-directed groups. The axiom on which rational society is constructed is that the sovereign or the state has the monopoly of terror and of man-made instruments of death.
Science thus colonizes society at the very moment of its inauguration, by conceptualizing it and by policing it. Both the scientist and the sovereign are prior to the Hobbesian polis. Society is based on the violence of the sovereign, but repeated violence makes society uneconomical. To the fear of death is added the structure of quietude, and monolithic order — that is the role of science 8. The state as the source of ultimate power does not antedate science; it is coterminal with science. In that sense, science is the civics of the Hobbesian world.
To be is to be scientific, and to become in every sense of the term a subject and citizen. Science is the grammar of power, and violence of the state becomes a symptom of the breakdown of science. It is in this context that Hobbes examines the problem of sedition. For Hobbes, sedition is irrational and unscientific. Sedition is any language that does not conform to the rules of science. Included in it are such events as primitive Christianity, Aristotelianism, occult science, and all the other bacchanalia of the mythopoeic imagina- tion.
The sovereign recedes before the eternal order of science; he becomes a referee, a Hessian Magister Ludi, but one with enormous power. The Hobbesian project has been the great dream of modem man. It underlies the logic of all technocratic totalitarianism— whether that of Lenin, Stalin or the new laboratory states of the twentieth century. He posited a distinction between political and scientific communication. Political society, Locke felt, had not reached the clarity of the scientific discourse. Ill, pp. The violence of modernity arises not merely from the violence of the state, but from the violence of science seeking to impose its order on society.
In fact, through a strange twist, the modem state exists more and more as a big machine guaranteeing the production and reproduc- tion of science. In fact it is the grammar of science that provides for the everyday tyranny of modemity-as-technocracy. I move now to the next concept in our glossary— progress. To acquire one it has to capture or rewrite time.
Time, till the advent of modernity, was capable of reversal. Therefore, the first project of modernity and of modem science was to escape from their own past s, from the traditions of Christianity and Aristotelianism, The medieval cyclical theory of time, which allowed for decadence and reversal, yielded to a linear, irreversible notion of time. The time of modernity became gradually the time of the world. Imperialism was notmerely the logic of capitalism but also the charter of science. Bemard-Henri Levy states this succinctly.
The Greeks did not invent imperialism, because they believed in geogra- phy and lived with the illusion that there were scattered and peculiar times, appropriate for each substance and each particular place. The Athenian configuration was not and could not be imperialist in our sense of the word, because its supporters thought time did not exist and that Thebes, Athens and Sparta each had its own chronology, almost like substance.
However, modernity, which had escaped from antiquity, still had to confront the Other-both as other civilizations and the Other-as- tribe. What were these other societies juxtaposed or located along the same, contemporary space? The answer that evolutionary theory gave can be read in the collective representation called the museum. The museum is an act of classification where artefacts are juxtaposed with each other in a logico-spatial manner.
One can witness even today exhibits on technology or cognition arranged in the following way. Next to it is arranged the sailing ship or cannon and the exhibits eventually culminate in a submarine or tank. What is a logico-spatial order is then read as time series, where each exhibit is literally seen as evolving into the other. Progress is defined as the ordained linear movement across this sequence. The West, the modem West, is, in turn, the future these societies will encounter. The museum thus becomes an index of the map of the world, a taxonomy identifying cultures in time.
One is forced to confront the violence encoded in this innocent bit of anthropology. A society with a hunting culture is more primitive and less evolved than one with a hoe culture or simple pastoralism; and these in turn are more primitive than one with industrialization.
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Hoebel, quoted in Richard D. The West is seen as paradigmatic of scientific and techno- logical culture. The West-as-modemity obtains the mandate of power and responsibility over this world left behind by history. It is science once again that must aid in their march to modernity. Progress and modernization as scientific projects automati- cally legitimate any violence done to the third world as objects of experimentation.
Such an act of erasure will no longer do. To use an analogy from science itself, one knows that Einsteinean physics encompasses the Newtonian paradigm; yet scientists and technol- ogists operate with the latter in many spheres. The superseded Newton is never condemned or bracketed off as pseudo-science. Likewise, the schemas of progress and evolutionism operate to this day in the policies of modernization and development, where states are imposing the inevitability of development on reluctant cultures. Neither the action of the states nor experience of the cultures can be explained away as the unfortunate products of a pseudo-science.
IV T he experimental method so crucial to modem science is not only a system of political control, it also incorporates a unique notion of violence— that of vivisection. Within such a framework, the laboratory becomes a political structure and the basis of a wider vision of society. One can illustrate this with reference to the development of public health in India.
Today, it is remembered only in medical history, and commemorative stamps issued, as a tribute to Haffkine after whom the plague research institute in Bombay is named. There was a simultaneous plague in Egypt which is now almost forgotten. Sir John Rogers, who was then director-general of the sanitary department in Egypt, immediately instituted a series of sanitary measures. Persons found infected were isolated. All per- sons who had come into contact with patients were put in quaran- tine, where they were fed and also compensated for the loss of time. A whole set of sanitary measures, such as limewashing of infected houses and disposal of garbage within the city precincts, was carried out.
The plague in Egypt ended within six months, the eventual death toll being a mere forty -five. He rejected these suggestions and threw the entire weight of his scientific reputation to ensure that no sanitary measures were undertaken while his vaccine was being tried out. The Descartian text acquired the status of a textbook in the works of Claude Bernard and Francois Magendie. Bernard defined the nature of vivisection precisely. The organ- ism, he stated, had to be taken to pieces in the same way as a machine is dismanded.
After dissecting the dead, one must go on to dissect the living, to uncover the functioning of those parts that are hidden or concealed. It is the operation of this character that acquires the name vivisection. Vivisection is the infliction of pain for experimental purposes of understanding and control, where pain and suffering are justified in the pursuit of scientific knowledge as an absolute value. Bernard remarked that the physiologist is not an ordinary man: he is the scientist possessed and absorbed by the scientific idea he pursues.
He does not hear the cry of animals, he does not see the flowing of blood; he sees nothing but the idea and is aware of nothing but the organism that conceals from him the problem he is seeking to resolve. Today, over a hundred million animals are used up in the pursuit of research, in experiments ranging from hair dyes to cancer research. Peter Singer cites a survey carried out by Rutgers University which provided the following estimates of the numbers of animals used each year in US laboratories: 85, primates; , dogs; , cats; 70, rabbits; 46, pigs, 23, sheep; 1. The socialization of vivisection in science has been so extensive that even children regard it as a normal part of the educative experience.
But one must see it as a paradigm for general scientific activity extending towards wider domains of control, incorporating innumerable sets of violence within the genre of vivisection. This scenario is reflected in the following chart. The violation of the body soon leads to the vivisection of the body-politic in theories of scientific-industrial development. And these examples are transforms of one another. The vivisectional code underlies and underwrites the violence implicit in all of them.
As a concrete example one can begin with scientific management. Modem management has its origins in the vivisection of the animal body. The first assembly lines were developed in the slaughter houses. Braverman gives the following description of them: The animal was surveyed and laid off like a map; and the men were classified into thirty specialities and twenty rates of pay, from 16 cents to 50 cents.
The 50 centman was restricted to using the knife on the most delicate parts of the hide, or to use the axe in the splitting of the backbone. In working on the hide alone there are nine positions at eight different rates of pay. A 20 cent man pulls the tail, a [l cent man pounds another part of the hide..? Taylor records how he decides to instruct Schmidt in order to determine the mechanics of work. He tells him: You will do exactly what this man tells you tomorrow from morning till night. When he tells you pick up a pig iron , you pick it up and walk and when he tells you to sit down and rest, you sit down.
You do that right straight through the day. Do you understand that? The notions of animal husbandry, once common to traditional agriculture, have yielded ground to the notion of animal machines. The writings of Peter Singer and Ruth Harrison have systematically detailed these processes.
The excesses of the Nazi regime are explained in terms of the individual psychopathologies of Hitler, or the authoritarianism inherent in German culture. Yet these studies do not fully explain the particular nature of violence as it occurred in the concentration camps. The problem is caught by Fredrick Wertheim when he remarks: The mass killings in the concentration camps cannot be subsumed under any of the old categories. It is not bestial, because even the most predatory animals do not exterminate their own species.
It was not lie work of madmen, for many of the perpetrators and organizers led both 22 Ibid. One can grasp this argument at two levels: firstly, by tracing the scientific debates of the time, and, secondly, through the wider notions of science, especially as they appeared in the records of the Eichmann trials.
The concentration camp had its roots in the nature versus nurture debates of the time. Eugenics was a part of the normal science of the time. In fact, as many as eight universities in America, including Harvard, Cornell, Brown and Northwestern, had estab- lished departments on the subject. The mass killings of patients in the hospital was a direct application by doctors of established eugenic and psychiatric theory.
Many of these doctors were outstanding intellectuals. Max de Crinis was a professor of psychi- atry at Berlin University, and director of the psychiatric clinic of Charite, one of the most famous hospitals in Europe. The first concentra- tion camps that came into being were seen as experiments in re- education. In , there were , such useless eaters in German psychiatric hospitals; by the number had been reduced to 40, It was only after the basic methods of killing were worked out in these hospitals that the gas chambers were dismantled and moved to other locations. In fact, histories of synthetic chemistry which celebrate the synthesis of ammonia and indigo by the companies of the I.
Farben group fail to emphasize its complementary role in the organizations of these camps which went beyond the use of Xyklon-B. It is in this context that I want to establish a parallel not often considered seriously, the parallel between a paradigmatic scientist like Winslow Taylor and an individual like Adolf Eichmann.
Eichmann deserves to be recognized as a Winslow Taylor of the concentration camp. Let us not forget that the originators of the assembly line and Eichmann confronted the same problem— the management and disposed of the body.
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The concentration camp operated on the same logic, only the materials handled were human hair, teeth, skin or fat. All one has to do is to picture Werner Hyde, professor of psychiatry, lecturing before high Nazi officials on the merits of carbon monoxide. Half a dozen psychiatrists had certified him as n6rmal. Bettelheim adds that without this notion of scientific detachment, the inhumanity of modem totalitarianism cannot be understood.
The last example that I wish to discuss is the bombing of Hiroshima. The bombing of Hiroshima embodied the violence of vivisection at three phases of its career: first, in the very decision to bomb the city; second, in the attitude to the survivors of Hiroshima; and, third, in the continuities of nuclear research itself. Friedrich Wertheim points out that there is a persistent myth that scientists as a group were against the dropping of the bomb. He contends that the leading scientists not only helped the govern- ments in making the decision but picked Hiroshima and Nagasaki as experimental sites.
The cities were free of the devastation of incendiary bombs and were thus appropriate sites for the scientific evaluation of the nuclear impact. But what is more frightening is the general absence of atonement after the bombing. What can I do to get well again? No, in truth, he does not think that. He says to himself, I shall clear up an obscure point.
I shall seek out a new fact 35 The third element in the Hiroshima story is the return of the scientists, some of whom who had protested against the bomb, to the laboratories which produced the bomb. Jungk cites the case of the brilliant Hans Bethe who had condemned the bomb as anti- Christian and genocidal, and who a few years later became one of the enthusiastic exponents of the H-Bomb.
Such macabre enthusi- asm can only be understood by focusing on the internal structure of science as a mode of cognition, where violence is justified in the objective pursuit of knowledge. There seem to be no internal checks to its cognitive imperatives. A colleague of mine once remarked that vivisection anticipated Auschwitz, and Auschwitz the vivisectional imperatives of the new experiments in planning and development. The objectivity of science is embodied even in the plan of the revolution, be it that of Mao or of Stalin. They all justify the imposition of suffering on millions in the name of scientific development.
One wishes that critics of science would confront this genre of violence somewhere in the timetable of their programmes. Triage has been the silent term mediating between the ideas of vivisection and progress. Vivisection as an experiment has implicit within it the idea of indifference, and progress implies obsolescence. Triage interweaves these ideas as the obsolescence of those one is indifferent to. With the reappearance of triage, as a formal concept, modernity has come full circle.
If progress demands the summoning of the Other into modernity, triage implies dispensing with the Other. Both concepts include the idea of science as memory. Science once felt that tribal societies had no history; today, it seems to have decided that they have no future. If the tribal was once whipped into modernity because he was a savage, today he is being bludgeoned back as being incapable of science. The decision in both events is articulated as part of the discourse on rationality, while societies and cultures are now being destroyed because they are considered refractory to the scientific gaze.
Triage is the final abandonment of modernity as a universalizing project. The western encounter with the Other ends in its eventual logic as erasure. Triage blends with the other great strand of modemity-as-rationality, the atomic holo- caust; the two death warrants threaten to put an eventual stop to the world as a modem world.
Triage is a French word which referred, in the eighteenth century, to the sorting of coffee beans or pelts. It acquired a certain stability in medical dictionaries as the method of screening patients to determine priority of treatment, particularly when the demand for medical treatment outran the supply of medical facilities and personnel. Richard Rubenstein in his book on triage cites an example of such a process.
It relates to the manner in which scarce penicillin was distributed among American soldiers during World War II. Rubenstein explains: Some of the stricken men had received their wounds in battle, others in brothels; itwas decided only soldiers with venereal diseases would be given penicillin even if it meant that some of the wounded would die without it. Today the concept of triage has escaped the confines of the hospital and acquired a wider socio-political conno- tation. It is the history of this wider notion of social triage that we must seek to construct.
Science has no place for the defeated except as objects of experiment. The rudimentary notion of social triage has always been present. Triage represents a notion of obsolescence beyond that involved in the free market. The obsolescence created by the market has been chronicled in the writings of political economists since Adam Smith. Social triage differs from it in that it is a deliberate decision or act of state to define a target group such as a minority within its territory as dispensable.
The decision, howev- er, must also be articulated on rational grounds. For, though triage is genocide, it involves the rational imposition of death on those regarded as refractory to the scientific gaze. It is in this sense that the term helps us to understand the particular quality of violence of which scientific rationality is capable. Let me cite some examples. With the impact of the Enclosure movement in England, peasants became an uprooted class. Poverty and vagrancy, which at the time often went together, were recognized as social problems.
The poor as vagrants, lunatics, criminals, even as children were considered to be refuse and regarded as expendable. Children in particular were used in a large number of hazardous jobs. They were often sold to workhouses for a few guineas. What was originally left to the free play of market forces was conceived of in a grander, more centralized fashion by the utilitarian theories of Jeremy Bentham. Bentham visualized a grand scheme— never operative— whereby those classified as refuse— children, lunatics or vagrants— were placed in a total institution, subject to complete surveillance and harnessed as work units by the state.
The Benthamite project embodied in the poor-house sought to rationalize philanthropy as a project. Triage later on was to convert aid-as-tutelage to aid-as-erasure. These are two separate processes of sorting here. The first involves the classification and exploitation of marginals in a society.
The second centres around the elimination or death of those regarded as marginalized and obsolescent The re-emergence of triage within the debates on development has to be constructed along two conceptual foci. The first centres around the debates regarding the coming of the post-industrial society, and the second around the resurgence of the new reduc tionism, as evidenced in the emergence of socio-biology as a discipline.
Krishna Kumar, in a fascinating book, has referred to the spate of neo-Comtean schemes mapping out the future of the industrial West. This tertiary service sector is also differentiated into an additional quaternary sector, composed basically of scientists and other knowledge workers. Predictably, what is central to such societies is the centrality of theoretical knowledge, the primacy of theory over empiricism, the fact that formal theoretical knowledge provides the dynamic of innovation as expressed in synthetic chemistry or in the material sciences.
What is interesting about these descriptions are their silences. There is a feeling that the third world is irrelevant, that the new 37 Ibid. Science has generated surplus which in turn has enabled modernity to escape from its reliance on the third world for raw material or labour. It is now conceived as an area for tourism or for the siting of some of the more polluting industries of the world. This process is abetted by the legitimation provided by socio- biology in the works of Edward Wilson, Richard Dawkins 40 and Garrett Hardin.
His two papers are like parables with an Euclidean lucidity about them. Once you accept the axioms, the logic of the world they unfold follows ruthlessly. Therefore it is the basic assumptions that we must map. In fact, like other socio-biologists, he sees altruism as patholog- ical in the context of the problem of survival. Blanard and John von B. Rodenbeck eds. Aiken and H. La Follette eds. The two papers can now be read as successive denouements of one plot. As I have said, the formulation that Hardin offers is basically a Hobbesian one. The commons is any physical facility which is commonly owned or used.
It can be an ocean, a lake, a forest or a prairie. The logic of the commons unfolds as follows. Assault on Intelligence , Michael Hayden. War on Peace , Ronan Farrow. Fight Club , Chuck Palahniuk. Fight Club 2 , Chuck Palahniuk. Invisible Monsters , Chuck Palahniuk. Rich People Problems , Kevin Kwan. Behave , Robert Sapolsky. Carnival Magic , Amy Ephron Ages Brightly Burning , Alexa Donne Ages Be Prepared , Vera Brosgol Ages The Italian Party , Christina Lynch. The Fallen , David Baldacci. Macbeth , Jo Nesbo. P aris By the Book , Liam Callanan. Edge of Chaos , Dambisa Moyo. Ready Player One , Ernest Cline.
Essex Serpent , Sarah Perry. The Underground Railroad , Colson Whitehead. L eavers , Lisa Ko. Milk and Honey , Rupi Kaur. Sense and Sensibility , Nancy Butler. What If , Samantha Berger Ages Islandborn , Junot Diaz Ages S imon Vs. The Overstory , Richard Powers. Failing Up , Leslie Odom Jr. The Grouchy Historian , Ed Asner. I'm Fine Unsuccessful Thug , Mike Epps. My Dear Hamilton , Stephanie Dray. Exit West , Mohsin Hamid. The Bookshop on the Corner , Jenny Colgan. The Actor's Life , Jenna Fischer. U nblinded , Traci Rosow. Cradle to Kindergarten , Ajay Chaudry. Thirty Million Words , Dana Suskind.
On Tyranny , Timothy Snyder. Brazen , Penelope Bagieu Ages Who Is Malala Yousafzai? G reeks Bearing Gifts , Philip Kerr. Tangerine , Christine Mangan. H ang Time , Elgin Baylor. F ascism: A Warning , Madeleine Albright. Natural Causes , Barbara Ehrenreich. Russian Roulette , Michael Isikoff. C at's Cradle , Kurt Vonnegut. The Leavers , Lisa Ko. Brave New World , Aldous Huxley. Magpie Murders , Anthony Horowitz. Olympusville , Ron Koertge. The 5 Love Languages , Gary Chapman.
How to Fight , Hanh Thich Nhat. Meaty , Samantha Irby. The Adventures of Beekle , Dan Santat. Dude , Aaron Reynolds. Cookie Fiasco , Dan Santat. The Breadwinner , Deborah Ellis. Magic Finger , Roald Dahl. Tale of Despereaux , Kate Dicamillo. The Great Alone , Kristin Hannah. Cave of Bones , Anne Hillerman. Greeks Bearing Gifts , Philip Kerr. The Tempation of Forgiveness , Donna Leon. Leading Clarity , Brad Deuster.
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